Suchergebnisse

A long-standing narrative in U.S. engagement policy toward China draws a tacit causal link between engagement and Beijing's socialization into the U.S.-led liberal international order (LIO).1 Amid recent decreasing faith in engagement, this article constructs a framework tailored to explaining the conditions for China's state socialization into the hegemonic order when the U.S. tries to engage China. It contends that the socialization of a still-rising China is an arduous cause that hinges on four conditions: the accommodation of China's interests in international institutions, the existence of a problematic situation, status recognition, and the absence of obstacles to domestic internalization. To test the socialization premise, the article applies the framework to a theoretically most-likely case of China's socialization—U.S. post-2009 engagement with China on global climate governance. It finds that despite some ambiguous signs of state socialization, China's adoption of the U.S.-promoted co-leader identity was primarily rooted in domestic changes in interest perception and was thwarted by domestic obstacles—economic development and energy security—to the internalization of the idea of Chinese climate leadership.

Constructivism in the studies of international relations (IR) posits that international institutions have the power to induce a state's socialization into the norms and rules enshrined in these institutions. The study puts this hypothesis to an empirical test by analyzing China's views on intellectual property rights (IPR) since its WTO (World Trade Organization) accession in 2001. The article examines relevant People's Daily commentary articles published from 2001 to 2022 using Structural Topic Model (STM) and domestic scholarly debates. The study identifies four prevalent themes, including IPRs and international competition, strengthening IPR protection, developing indigenous IPRs, and achievements and barriers in IPR development. It finds that although China has increasingly realized the importance of IPRs, China's views on IPRs are predominantly oriented toward a realpolitik discourse on leveraging IPRs to enhance China's overall national power in international competition. While socialization is at best subordinate to China's domestic interests in shaping China's views on IPRs, as the country's worldview acts as a strong mediating force between international ideas and China's views on IPRs.

AbstractCompared with privately owned enterprises (POEs), Chinese state‐owned enterprises (SOEs) are 6 percent more likely to export, although SOE productivity and external financial ability are 0.9 percent and 20% lower, respectively. To account for SOEs' higher export propensity, we build a model of firms' export decisions, embodying productivity, internal and external financing ability, and two aspects of China's institutional background: invisible subsidies to SOEs and preferential lending. We apply the model to firms from the Chinese Industrial Enterprise Survey Data, from 2003 to 2007, and find that SOEs' advantages in receiving invisible subsidies and more bank loans can significantly explain their higher export propensity.

This paper examines the effect of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in promoting Chinese outward foreign direct investment (COFDI) in the presence of rising economic policy uncertainty in China's partner countries. We postulate that the signing of BITs should help stimulate COFDI
because the treaties send a credible signal to foreign investors about the host country's intent to protect Chinese investment, and make it more difficult for the host country to violate its treaty obligations. BITs that contain rigorous investment protection and liberalization provisions,
in particular, should be more likely to encourage COFDI as they directly influence Chinese investors' expectations about the stability, predictability, and security of the host market. However, while BITs generally promote COFDI, host country economic policy uncertainty may also limit their
effectiveness. This is because uncertainty tends to undermine investor confidence, trigger capital flows from high- to low-risk countries, and dampen commercial activities. Poisson pseudo-maximum likelihood (PPML) estimation models of the determinants of COFDI to 188 countries between 2003
and 2017 lend substantial support to our conjectures.

We investigated the effects of group affiliation, enjoyable communication, and identity expression on Chinese consumers' tendency to form sports brand love. Participants were 251 undergraduate students from 2 universities in Southern China, who were asked to name a brand they loved,
then complete measures of sports brand love, need for group affiliation, enjoyable communication, identity expression, and sports involvement. Results showed that although the influence of enjoyable communication on sports brand love was nonsignificant, group affiliation and identity expression
positively influenced consumers' tendency to form sports brand love. The effect of group affiliation was moderated by consumers' sports involvement, because it remained significant only when their sports involvement was high (vs. low). Further, the moderating effect of sports involvement was
nonsignificant for identity expression and enjoyable communication. Theoretical implications and practical implications for managers in the sports industry are discussed.

AbstractThe growing fragmentation of production across national borders and the proliferation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have become salient features of the global economy in the past decades. This paper examines the role of PTAs in promoting the integration of domestic industries into global value chains (GVCs) based on the experience of China, a country that has emerged as a key link in East Asian and global production networks in recent years. We conjecture that both the presence of PTAs and the depth of these agreements matter for GVC participation. Furthermore, PTAs that contain strong provisions with regard to investment protection and services are particularly likely to stimulate the expansion of GVC linkages. This is because strong investment protection provisions may reduce the disruptions that hostile government policy may generate for the entire production chain. Rigorous PTA provisions regarding services may help facilitate the provision of services, which are not only critical in enabling the emergence of GVCs, but are also becoming essential inputs in GVC trade. Empirical analysis of the effect of the PTAs signed by China on the GVC participation of 16 Chinese industries between 2005 and 2015 lends substantial support to our hypotheses.