Suchergebnisse

The 2018 election of Premier Doug Ford and the Progressive Conservative (PC) government ushered in a new era of neoliberal populism in Ontario, Canada. Ford's election platform, titled a "Plan for the People," resonated with the business elite who supported his free-market reforms but also with middle-class and blue-collar workers living in suburban and northern areas of the province. The article examines how Ford positioned his rivals as "out of touch" members of the political and cultural urban elite, responsible for a spiralling deficit that would economi-cally burden hard-working people. Unlike many other right-wing populist leaders, who have relied on xenophobic or anti-immigrant narratives, we argue that Ford's populist stance is dema-gogic and pragmatic. This enabled him to pivot and shift his political strategy to amass support from a diverse range of economic, racial, ethnic, and religious groups, including new immigrants. We draw on newspaper articles, public documents and reports, as well as thirteen interviews with politicians, teachers and civil servants. The article highlights how Ford's government operated to weaken democratic institutions through measures such as "strong mayor powers," invoking the notwithstanding clause, as well as undermining the public sector. We trace how Ford's populism undermined public education through overt and subtle measures that weaken school boards and unions while advancing privatization. We show how Ford bypassed intermediaries, in this case, school boards and teachers' unions, and appealed directly to "the parents" through the media and employed cli-entelist strategies such as cash transfers under the guise of "parental choice" to hollow out public education. The analysis demonstrates how Ontario stands out as a unique case study for exam-ining neoliberal populism in Canada and North America.

Como ha sido señalado por otros estudiosos en el ámbito del posneoliberalismo, la inversión social dirigida a grupos en riesgo se ha convertido en el enfoque central para los gastos sociales de los Estados-nación alrededor del mundo, y los niños, dado su potencial inherente, se han convertido cada vez más en el enfoque de las inversiones del Estado dirigidas a mejorar su futura integración en la economía de mercado. Este artículo detalla los resultados de dos casos de estudio de la regulación de la maternidad en dos contextos muy diferentes en los que las técnicas neoliberales dirigen la inversión hacia los niños. En Canadá, recientes campañas han instado a las madres a que inviertan grandes cantidades en sus hijos durante sus primeros años con el fin de mejorar su desarrollo cerebral y su eventual éxito en el mercado. En México, el programa antipobreza patrocinado por el Estado pretende aumentar el desarrollo del capital humano de los niños a través del sistema educativo como una manera de asegurar la futura inserción de los mexicanos de zonas rurales en la economía de mercado. Se comparan los resultados de entrevistas en profundidad realizadas con madres en el sur de Ontario y en zonas rurales de México. Si bien las experiencias de estas madres están marcadas por muchas diferencias culturales y de clase social, existen similitudes sorprendentes en términos de los efectos de un marco de inversión social en la regulación de la maternidad.

This article examines the lessons that can be drawn from social protection programs in Mexico at both the national and sub-national scales for the Social Protection Floor (SPF) initiative for the implementation of the Global Social Floor proposal in Mexico. Mexico's federal anti-poverty program, Progresa/Oportunidades, was a pioneer in the application of a social investment paradigm to the provision of social benefits to the extreme poor, and the targeting of benefits. At the same time, the left-leaning Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD) governments of the Federal District have introduced an ambitious new series of social programs at the municipal scale. PRD governments have directly criticized the targeting and surveillance involved in the Oportunidades program. Instead, the PRD has advocated more universalistic approaches to social policy, based on principles of social rights. This article examines the areas of congruence and dissonance between these Mexican innovations in social policy and the SPF initiative.

Cet article examine les répercussions des politiques multidimensionnelles des mesures anti-pauvreté mexicaines sur le processus de démocratisation à long terme. La mesure anti-pauvreté fédéraleProgresa / Oportunidadesa été conçue pour éliminer les pratiques clientélistes traditionnelles. Même si plusieurs pratiques électoralistes flagrantes ont été éliminées des programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté, la continuation des approches descendantes en matière de conception de programmes et de stratégies de mise en oeuvre s'est soldée par l'émergence du semi-clientélisme. Cet article soutient que les acteurs politiques des municipalités et de l'État ont réagi à ces mesures fédérales de façons qui contribueront peut-être à promouvoir une démocratie plus profonde et qui ont mené à la reconstitution du semi-clientélisme. Le texte puise dans les récentes approches révisionnistes du clientélisme politique et propose une approche multidimensionnelle empruntée à la géographie politique. En se basant sur cette approche théorique, l'article examine le rôle des autorités de l'État et des municipalités en ce qui concerne les prestations anti-pauvreté fédérales dans le cadre du programme de subventions conditionnelles en espècesOportunidades.

AbstractThis article examines the implications of the multi-scalar politics of Mexican anti-poverty policy for the long-term process of democratization. The federal anti-poverty policy, Progresa/Oportunidades, was designed to eliminate traditional clientelistic practices. While more obvious practices of pork-barrel politics have been eliminated in poverty alleviation programs, continued practices of top-down processes of program design and implementation strategies have resulted in the emergence of semi-clientelism. Argued in this paper is that municipal and state political actors have responded to these federal policies in ways that may or may not promote deeper levels of democracy, and which have led to the reconstitution of semi-clientelism. The paper draws upon recent revisionist approaches to political clientelism, and introduces a multi-scalar approach borrowed from political geography. Based on this theoretical approach, the article examines the role of state and municipal authorities in the delivery of federal anti-poverty benefits within the Oportunidades conditional cash transfer program.

This article examines the implications of the multi-scalar politics of Mexican anti-poverty policies for the long-term process of democratization. The federal anti-poverty policy, Progresa / Oportunidades, was designed to eliminate traditional clientelistic practices. While more obvious practices of pork-barrel politics have been eliminated in poverty alleviation programs, continued practices of top-down processes of program design and implementation strategies have resulted in the emergence of semi-clientelism. This paper argues that municipal and state political actors have responded to these federal policies in ways that may or may not promote deeper levels of democracy, and which have led to the reconstitution of semi-clientelism. The paper draws upon recent revisionist approaches to political clientelism, and introduces a mutli-scalar approach borrowed from political geography. Based on this theoretical approach, the article examines the role of state and municipal authorities in the delivery of federal anti-poverty benefits within the Oportunidades conditional cash transfer program. Adapted from the source document.

This study compares the reform of public social provision in the United States, Canada, and Mexico from 1996 to 2006. It highlights important parallels among the three countries in terms of policy design, discourses that frame each policy, and the ways social citizenship has become reconfigured. We argue that in all three cases, poor women/mothers are being regulated, monitored, and held accountable through surveillance and sanctions, reinforcing how social rights have morphed into social responsibilities and obligations. The objective is to shift welfare from "passive" support to "active" integration into the market, reinforcing a worker‐citizen model within precarious labor markets. The Canadian model shares elements with the U.S. model in its emphasis on welfare‐to‐work policies and integrating single mothers with young children into the workforce. The Mexican model integrates mothers as consumers into the market while investing in their children as future worker‐citizens. The article concludes by broadening the discussion from country‐specific analysis to speculating about the possibility of integrating workers within a North American market.

This study compares the reform of public social provision in the United States, Canada, and Mexico from 1996 to 2006. It highlights important parallels among the three countries in terms of policy design, discourses that frame each policy, and the ways social citizenship has become reconfigured. We argue that in all three cases, poor women/mothers are being regulated, monitored, and held accountable through surveillance and sanctions, reinforcing how social rights have morphed into social responsibilities and obligations. The objective is to shift welfare from "passive" support to "active" integration into the market, reinforcing a worker-citizen model within precarious labor markets. The Canadian model shares elements with the U S. model in its emphasis on welfare-to-work policies and integrating single mothers with young children into the workforce. The Mexican model integrates mothers as consumers into the market while investing in their children as future worker-citizens. The article concludes by broadening the discussion from country-specific analysis to speculating about the possibility of integrating workers within a North American market. Adapted from the source document.

Cet article examine les répercussions des politiques multidimensionnelles des mesures anti-pauvreté mexicaines sur le processus de démocratisation à long terme. La mesure anti-pauvreté fédérale Progresa / Oportunidades a été conçue pour éliminer les pratiques clientélistes traditionnelles. Même si plusieurs pratiques électoralistes flagrantes ont été éliminées des programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté, la continuation des approches descendantes en matière de conception de programmes et de stratégies de mise en oeuvre s'est soldée par l'émergence du semi-clientélisme. Cet article soutient que les acteurs polit