Suchergebnisse

Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.

This paper takes two basic concepts – security and environment – and brings them into relation through the phenomenon of terrorism. We analyze terrorist activities in which the environment was considerably affected, with the goal being to endanger human health and existence and destabilize political systems. Rather than focusing on more conventional means (firearms, bombs, explosives) and targets (humans and material property), we examine single-act terrorist attacks that used less conventional means (biological and chemical weapons, arson), and those that target environmental resources (energy and natural sources), both of which leave more profound and long-term consequences as a result. The empirical analysis includes all terrorist attacks from 1970 to 2018 recorded in the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) and related to biological and chemical weapons, as well as arson / fire attacks, but also those terrorist attacks whose targets include water supply, food supply, oil tankers, and gas, oil, and electric entities. Empirical evidence suggests that there have been many terrorist attacks since 1970 that meet the research criteria. Arson / fire attacks are most commonly used, with a total of 4200 such terrorist attacks recorded worldwide in the last fifty years, and with a significant increase evidenced in the last decade. This paper emphasizes that while the accessibility and effectiveness of environmental tactics such as starting fires or using chemical or biological weapons, contaminating water supplies, soil, etc., is less conventional, it presents a greater threat to human, national and global security. ; Rad se fokusira na dva ključna pojma – sigurnost i okoliš – koje se dovodi u vezu s fenomenom terorizma. Analiziraju se terorističke aktivnosti koje ostavljaju ozbiljne posljedice po okoliš, s ciljem ugrožavanja zdravlja i egzistencije ljudi te destabilizacije političkih sustava. Pri tome, umjesto fokusa na konvencionalna sredstva (vatreno oružje, bombe, eksplozivi) i mete (ljudi i materijalna imovina), u ...

Rad se fokusira na dva ključna pojma – sigurnost i okoliš – koje se dovodi u vezu s fenomenom terorizma. Analiziraju se terorističke aktivnosti koje ostavljaju ozbiljne posljedice po okoliš, s ciljem ugrožavanja zdravlja i egzistencije ljudi te destabilizacije političkih sustava. Pri tome, umjesto fokusa na konvencionalna sredstva (vatreno oružje, bombe, eksplozivi) i mete (ljudi i materijalna imovina), u radu se problematiziraju teroristički napadi koji ostavljaju velike i dugotrajnije posljedice na okoliš poput onih u kojima su korištena manje konvencionalna sredstva (biološko i kemijsko oružje, požari) kao i onih koji izravno ciljaju okolišne resurse (energiju i prirodne izvore). Empirijska analiza uključuje sve terorističke napade od 1970. do 2018. zabilježene u bazi Global Terrorism Database (GTD), a koji se odnose na biološko i kemijsko oružje, napade podmetanjem požara, ali i napade čije su mete bile mjesta za opskrbu vodom, hranom, plinom, naftom ili strujom. Empirijski dokazi sugeriraju da je od 1970. bilo mnogo terorističkih napada koji zadovoljavaju postavljene istraživačke kriterije. Najčešće su korišteni napadi podmetanjem požara s ukupno 4.200 takvih napada zabilježenih u posljednjih gotovo pedeset godina, a uočen je i značajan porast takvih napada u posljednjem desetljeću. U radu se ukazuje na to da dostupnost i učinkovitost taktika koje ciljaju okoliš, kao što je podmetanje požara ili uporaba kemijskog i biološkog oružja te zagađivanje zaliha vode, tla itd., iako manje konvencionalne, predstavljaju ogromnu prijetnju ljudskoj, nacionalnoj i globalnoj sigurnosti. ; This paper takes two basic concepts – security and environment – and brings them into relation through the phenomenon of terrorism. We analyze terrorist activities in which the environment was considerably affected, with the goal being to endanger human health and existence and destabilize political systems. Rather than focusing on more conventional means (firearms, bombs, explosives) and targets (humans and material property), we ...

Social media have become an important means of imposing ideas and interests in social conflicts. The Syrian conflict is analysed using sentiment analysis of tweets in order to establish how the sentiment shapes the modern political landscape and influences recipient knowledge. The importance of social networks and their potential in overthrowing regimes as well as in radicalization are highlighted. The authors suggest several stages that can be used for analysing tweets and how they impact the reader with selected narration. Sentiment analysis is used on a trained data set as a way to gain insight into tweets of different factions in the Syria conflict. Selected tweets on missile strikes were published on 14 April 2018 and the day after. The Twitter profiles of three different sides – pro-Assad, pro-West and anti-Assad – were also analysed. The results show that there is a real battle on social media with the purpose of influencing human emotions. ; Društveni mediji postali su bitna platforma za širenje ideja i interesa u društvenim sukobima. Za analizu sirijskog sukoba korištena je analiza sentimenta kako bi se shvatilo na koji način sentiment oblikuje aktualno političko okruženje i utječe na znanje recipijenta. Ukazana je važnost društvenih mreža, ali i njihov potencijal u svrgavanju režima, kao i na sam proces radikalizacije. Autori predlažu nekoliko faza koje se mogu koristiti u analizi tweetova i kako se širenjem pomno odabranih narativa utječe na recipijenta. Analiza sentimenta je korištena na treniranom skupu podataka kao način dobivanja uvida utweetove različitih frakcija sirijskog sukoba. Odabrani tweetovi objavljeni su u vezi s raketnim napadom 14. travnja 2018., kao i dana poslije 15. Travnja 2018. Također su analizirani Twitter profili za tri različite strane: pro-Assad, pro-zapad i anti-Assad. Rezultati pokazuju da postoji stvarni sukob u društvenim medijima s ciljem utjecaja na ljudske emocije.

"This book presents state-of-the-art discussions around the Jasenovac Concentration Camp. Initially one of the largest camps of the Second World War, Jasenovac became a symbol of supra-national unity during the Yugoslav period and in the 1990s reemerged as a contested symbol of narrational victimhood. By analyzing some of the most controversial topics related to the Second World War in south-eastern Europe: the Holocaust, the genocide of Serbs and Roma, the issue of political prisoners and state-sponsored crimes, censorship during Communist Yugoslavia, the use of memory in war propaganda, and representation of tragedies in museums and art, it allows for a greater understanding of the development of intergroup violence in the former Yugoslavia. It will be of interest to scholars and students of history, genocide studies, memory studies and sociology as well as professionals working in the field of conflict resolution and reconciliation"--