Suchergebnisse

In Chinese societies where both "money" and "gender" confer power, can a woman's economic success relative to her husband's bring about a more equal division of household labor? Lui's qualitative study of "status-reversed" Hong Kong families, wherein wives earn more than their husbands, examines how couples re-negotiate household labor in ways that perpetuate male dominance within the family even when the traditional gender expectation that "men rule outside, women rule inside" (nanzhuwai, nuzhunei) is challenged. Going beyond the dyadic negotiation of household labor, this important study also explores the role of "third parties," namely the couples' children and parents, who actively encourage couples to conform to traditional gender norms, thereby reproducing an unequal division of household labor. Based upon the experiences of families with stay-at-home dads, Lui further identifies a new mechanism of deconstructing gender, by which couples concertedly construct new norms of 'work' and 'gender' that they maintain through daily interactions to fit their atypical relative earnings. As a result, there are sparks of hope that both men and women can be liberated from a set of traditional social norms. Re-negotiating Gender: Household Division of Labor When She Earns More than He Does is essential reading in the fields of family and gender studies, sociology, psychology, and East Asian studies.

"In Chinese societies where both "money" and "gender" confer power, can a woman's economic success relative to her husband's bring about a more equal division of household labor? Lui's qualitative study of "status-reversed" Hong Kong families, wherein wives earn more than their husbands, examines how couples re-negotiate household labor in ways that perpetuate male dominance within the family even when the traditional gender expectation that "men rule outside, women rule inside" (nanzhuwai, nuzhunei) is challenged. Going beyond the dyadic negotiation of household labor, this important study also explores the role of "third parties," namely the couples' children and parents, who actively encourage couples to conform to traditional gender norms, thereby reproducing an unequal division of household labor. Based upon the experiences of families with stay-at-home dads, Lui further identifies a new mechanism of deconstructing gender, by which couples concertedly construct new norms of "work" and "gender" that they maintain through daily interactions to fit their atypical relative earnings. As a result, there are sparks of hope that both men and women can be liberated from a set of traditional social norms. Re-negotiating Gender: Household Division of Labor When She Earns More than He Does is essential reading in the fields of family and gender studies, sociology, psychology, and East Asian studies."--Publisher's website

This study highlights political parenting after the introduction of National Security Education (NSE) in Hong Kong amid waves of political repression after the anti-extradition movement in 2019–2020. Do parents conform to or resist the new nationalistic, China-focused education curriculum that is inconsistent with their ideals of parenting and children education? How do parents navigate these changes? Based on the interviews with 26 parent-stayers in Hong Kong, I uncover that beneath the public transcripts of compliance, there are low-profile forms of resistance through (1) political parenting—nurturance of acquiescent but critical thinkers and resistance to nationalization by preparing their children to embracing cosmopolitan values in pursuit of a migration dream and (2) parents' anonymous attempts to break the silence by using other dominant but depoliticized discourses to reconfigure their resistance to NSE. In so doing, they avoid provoking the authorities, while continuing to resist. These hidden transcripts are drawn from the cultural repertoires of parenting and liberal democracy in the pre-National Security Law (NSL) period.

This study highlights political parenting after the introduction of National Security Education (NSE) in Hong Kong amid waves of political repression after the anti-extradition movement in 2019–2020. Do parents conform to or resist the new nationalistic, China-focused education curriculum that is inconsistent with their ideals of parenting and children education? How do parents navigate these changes? Based on the interviews with 26 parent-stayers in Hong Kong, I uncover that beneath the public transcripts of compliance, there are low-profile forms of resistance through (1) political parenting—nurturance of acquiescent but critical thinkers and resistance to nationalization by preparing their children to embracing cosmopolitan values in pursuit of a migration dream and (2) parents' anonymous attempts to break the silence by using other dominant but depoliticized discourses to reconfigure their resistance to NSE. In so doing, they avoid provoking the authorities, while continuing to resist. These hidden transcripts are drawn from the cultural repertoires of parenting and liberal democracy in the pre-National Security Law (NSL) period.

PurposeSexual liberation for women is often seen as a means of empowerment. Yet challenging the conventional Chinese beliefs of what constitutes a "good woman" might threaten men's power, resulting in sanctioning. This study aims to uncover the link between women's liberal sexual attitudes and an extreme form of sanctioning – sexual harassment.Design/methodology/approachUsing data fromChinese Health and Family Life Survey, structural equation modeling is applied to examine the hypothesized relationships between sexual harassment and individual and community characteristics, as well as the direct and indirect effects of liberal sexual attitudes.FindingsThe author found that a woman's liberal sexual attitude has a positive direct effect on sexual harassment. Whether the woman resides in rural or urban areas is not directly linked to sexual harassment, yet liberal sexual attitudes among urban women mediate the effect of geographical location, leading to their greater risk of being harassed. Youthfulness and women having a paid job are risk factors for sexual harassment but self-rated attractiveness is not.Research limitations/implicationsThe results reflect a conservative societal view of women's sexuality, even though it is often believed that China's sexual revolution is on the way – which plausibly refers to the greater permissiveness for heterosexual men. This study thus illuminates the importance of gender egalitarianism in the process of liberalization of social and moral attitudes toward sex.Originality/valueThis study thus illuminates the importance of gender egalitarianism in the process of liberalization of social and moral attitudes toward sex.

Does people's greater intention to migrate deter them from participating in protests? How does protest participation shape intention to migrate? How does the relationship between migration intention and protest change amidst Hong Kong's transition to authoritarianism? Drawing upon Hirschman's exit-voice theory, this study examines the relationship between protest and migration intentions against the changing context across time. We use a time-series dataset on Hong Kong's anti-extradition movement of late 2019 for our analysis. The results show that people who have greater intention to migrate are more likely to participate in protest, but this association wanes as state repression intensifies. We find that migration intention indicates the psychological preparedness to leave, and that the fallback plan emboldens people to speak out. Yet, as the state becomes more repressive, people who intend to migrate are also sensitive to the signals about the repression, which thus attenuates protest participation. This also explains the phenomenon that more active protestors intend to leave to escape repression. People with radical political affiliations are more inclined to emigrate but this relationship attenuates over time, indicating the importance of group effects in curbing migration intentions.

Numerous studies show that job demands increase work-to-family conflict (WFC), while job resources have mixed effects on it. Yet the way in which their effects on WFC differ by gender is under-explored in Asian societies, where increasing female labour force participation coexists with traditional gender beliefs. Using data from the Taiwan Social Change Survey (TSCS) (N = 1,265), we find that mechanisms by which employment and family characteristics affect WFC differ for men and women. Having young children strengthens the effect of weekend work on WFC for women, but not for men. Working from home blurs work–family roles for women, but not for men. Increased family demands increases men's but not women's vulnerability to WFC, even though men do less housework. This study illuminates the importance of a gender-sensitive and culturally grounded explanation for WFC.

Based on in-depth interviews with 24 working couples who hire domestic helpers in Hong Kong, this article examines the hiring of help as an instance of unequal social exchange in which mothers are expected to give up more than fathers. Men view hiring help as a contractual service and as a 'gift' to their wives that allows them to 'buy out' of housework and childcare. Women, however, are likely to supplement their helper's contributions with their own labour since they view hired help as 'less-than-optimal' childcare. They also feel responsible for the supervision and emotional needs of their helpers by treating them as 'part of the family'. By examining the gendered meanings attached to paid domestic help, we show how men and women reproduce the traditional division of labour in the home when hiring domestic helpers, rather than relieving the tensions that working mothers face between paid employment and childcare.

AbstractThis study examines the relationship between political attitudes, affective polarization, and fertility preferences among married couples in Hong Kong. Using dyadic data from a representative household survey (N = 1586 heterosexually married adults), we investigate how individuals' attitudes toward democracy and levels of affective polarization are associated with their fertility preferences. We also explore the influence of spouses' political attitudes and affective polarization on one's fertility preferences. We found that individuals with stronger support for democracy have lower fertility preferences. This negative association between political attitudes and fertility preferences is further amplified by one's level of affective polarization. The findings of this study contribute to our understanding of how political factors shape fertility patterns in the context of dramatic political transitions. This study provides valuable insights into the complex dynamics between political attitudes, affective polarization, and family formation decisions in Hong Kong, which have both theoretical, policy and political implications.

This study compares the social field for recent Hong Kong immigrants in the Australian cities of Melbourne, Sydney, and Darwin. We explore how migrants' experience differs in terms of their capital, migration trajectories, and interactions with Australians and in the workplace. Drawing on 31 in-depth interviews, this study features migrants' precarious experience and (self-)selection to cities and regional areas which are shaped by the convertibility of migrants' resources as well as state-based criteria of desirability. Compared to Melbourne and Sydney, the Northern Territory has a relatively more welcoming immigration policy. This lower bar offers a lower risk for Darwin's immigrants seeking permanent residency. At the meso-level, Darwin's transient population and its more multicultural ethnic composition facilitates opportunities for migrants from Hong Kong to both form social relationships outside their ethnic group and to enter standard employment. While the Australian government's introduction of the "Hong Kong stream" migration could have attracted migrants whose permanent residency in Melbourne and Sydney would otherwise have been unobtainable, a sense of uncertainty mounted given the "incidental" nature and the paradigm of temporariness in migration policies. Our paper illuminates the interconnectedness of the macro, meso, and micro levels through a spatial-temporal understanding of divergent migration experience and strategies.

AbstractObjectiveThis study examines the relationship between domestic outsourcing, housework evaluations, and marital conflict, while also comparing the effects of parents' informal help and paid domestic workers' formal help on marital relations.BackgroundWhereas the role‐strain perspective asserts that shifting the housework burden to a third party can reduce marital conflict arising from housework division, the conflict perspective contends otherwise, especially when an additional family member is involved.MethodsWe analyzed household survey data with a representative sample of full‐time dual‐earning married couples in Hong Kong (N = 1,197). We used bivariate analysis and linear regression models to evaluate the relationship between domestic outsourcing, housework evaluations, and marital conflict.ResultsResults showed that getting help had significant indirect effects on marital conflict through housework evaluations. However, the two types of help were also positively associated with marital conflicts. The two types of help had simultaneously positive direct effects and negative indirect effects on marital conflicts, canceling out the effect of each other.ImplicationsOur study illuminates the positive effect of outsourcing through housework evaluation. However, the benefit of domestic outsourcing cannot be realized if the conflicts induced by domestic outsourcing are not resolved.