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Unfortunately, most Americans are woefully miseducated about their country. Their beliefs about America are erroneously based on myths, lies, and slick propaganda. Moreover, their miseducation begins very early in their lives and continues throughout their lifetime. They are conditioned early in their preschool years to accept a fictional image of America through fairy tales, which portray imaginary heroes. The great myths in American history are an obstacle to racial harmony. To the detriment of Black people, the reality that the myths about the United States are more widely known and believed than the historical truths point to the crucial problem of miseducation. The United States is a hierarchical society destructively divided along racial and class lines. This essay argues that relations between Blacks and Whites in America began as a relationship based on the White elite's debasement of and control over Black people and that this fundamental relationship has persisted to the present. It maintains that we must acknowledge this profound and obvious relationship to fully understand the political, psychological, social, and economic dynamics of the United States and work to undo miseducation.

This assessment report describes the shifts and stability in students' perceptions and conceptualizations of race and racism as well as the students' the changing racial perceptions from the Obama era to the Trump administration. Pre- and post-test surveys were administered to samples of college students in 2010 and 2018. The data showed that there was a positive dramatic shift among the students in their conceptual understanding of race as a biosocial construct shaped by political, economic, and historical forces. The data also revealed a high level of awareness of ubiquitous racism in America. The analysis indicated that while an increasing proportion of the students perceived that Barack Obama's race was a major reason why people opposed his policies, a shrinking majority of the students continued to believe that his election has led to better race relations. Finally, the change in the students' perception of racial antagonisms in United States from the transition of the Obama administration to the Trump administration has been one in which race relations have gone from slightly negative to a much worse situation.

AbstractThis article examines the discoursal shift to "reintegration" within trafficking protection programmes and policy, with emphasis upon Cambodia. The evidence indicates that non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) are progressively making "reintegration" their primary protective objective. Yet a lack of conceptual clarity prevails and is being exacerbated by models and forms of guidance which position NGOs as directly undertaking or providing for the achievement of reintegration. This article argues that NGOs and their practitioners cannot "reintegrate" anyone – at least not in any substantive sense. Drawing upon the discourse within the field of protection practice, a dualist conception of reintegration is proposed as comprised of "procedural" and "substantive" elements. Accordingly, the procedural delivery of assistance may or may not support the substantive attainment of reintegration. It is argued that the emerging focus upon reintegration reflects a broadened vision of justice which warrants further research into the social and cultural foundations necessary for its achievement.

Critical consumption, the purchase or boycott of goods for political, ethical or environmental reasons, is regularly characterised as an example of 'new politics' or 'new' political participation. However, such analysis often neglects work from the sociology of consumption and social movement studies. This paper argues that consumers express their identity through critical consumption, in the form of a pledge of allegiance to the goals of certain social movements. Cross-national data from the European Social Survey identifies critical consumers as belonging to higher class positions and being generally older, highly educated, and more often women than men. Separating analysis of boycotting from that of buycotting, the positive purchase of goods for ethical or political reasons, suggests that buycotting is more resource-dependent and individualistic than boycotting. Substantial differences are found between the impact of people's resources in different countries, particularly between Northern and Central European countries and their Southern and Eastern counterparts. The findings thus recommend an approach to consumer politics that remains sensitive to social structural contexts between countries and different forms of consumer participation. © 2011 Taylor & Francis.

This essay argues that the U.S. public school system is structured along racial and social class lines determined by powerful political and economic forces, and that there is a racial and class tracking system in public education that reproduces the race and class structure of the society. Further, it describes how schools play a principal role in perpetuating ideological racism through a social studies curriculum that is designed to promote white supremacy by distorting American history in such a way that it portrays whites as agents of progress and builders of civilizations and Blacks as insignificant objects or deficient characters.

The 1980s was a period when Blacks experienced setbacks and reversals in various areas of social life. Did the setbacks cause Blacks to turn away from whites? This is the question that is addressed in this study of the racial attitudes of Black college students. The purpose of this research is to describe the attitudes of Black students toward Whites during the Reagan era and compare their attitudes with the attitudes of the general Black population. To provide a background to interpret our findings, we will review the major political and economic events of the 1980s or the Reagan years. This is a longitudinal study of the racial views and attitudes of 739 African-American students who attended Souther Illinois University--Carbondatle (SIU) in the 1980s. The students completec a questionnaire that elicited their social views and attitudes. The purpose of this study was to examine and describe the racial attitudes of Black students in the 1980s. Their racial attitudes were measured in terms of responses to social distance questions concerning their willingness to take part in various social settings involving contact with Whites. A major air of this research is to describe and explore the relationship between the effects of Reaganism and Blacks' attitudes toward Whites.

Racial ideological warfare continues in America. This form of warfare is waged primarily against Black people. A major force prosecuting this war is an array of white academics, scholars, intellectuals, and social scientists (Coughlin, 1995; Heller, 1994). Their major premise is that Black people are mentally inferior to all other racial groups, especially the white race. This is the main thrust of The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life by Herrnstein and Murray which was ranked 5th on the New York Times Best Seller List on December 25, 1994. Its widespread popularity and appeal, and the accelerated moves of American politics further to the right at all levels of government are concrete indications that America is becoming even more dangerous for Black people.

Few students of modern China would dispute that the Hundred Days Reform of

1898 ushered in a major nation-building effort that, despite false

starts and setbacks, has continued to this day. Thus, history and policy

converged when its centenary in 1998 was widely commemorated—20 years

after reform was again proclaimed China's national agenda (1978). Beida,

or Peking University, which traces its founding to the establishment of the

Imperial College (Jingshi daxuetang) in 1898, celebrated not only the

historical event but also its own evolution over the past century to become

China's leading institution of higher learning. The Palace Museum,

which stands on the grounds of the former Forbidden City, where much of the

1898 drama unfolded, commemorated with an exhibition of archival materials

and historical artifacts. It lasted from June 11 to September 21, the

original dates of the Hundred Days. Historians did not lag behind. In an

outpour of publications, they explored the multifarious facets of the famous

episode. China scholars elsewhere also took note of the centenary. Two

panels at the 1998 meetings of the Association for Asian Studies in

Washington, D.C., for example, presented papers that dealt with, if not

exactly what transpired a century ago, issues somehow related to it.

Compared to missionaries like Timothy Richard (1845–1919) and Hudson Taylor (1832–1905), Dr Alexander Maclean Mackay is a name almost unknown in the annals of Christian evangelism in China. The personnel roster of the London Missionary Society, to which he initially belonged, did boast of such luminaries as Robert Morrison (1782–1834), a pioneering Protestant preacher in early nineteenth-century China and James Legge (1815–1897), a missionary turned Sinologist and Oxford don. But Mackay, as one of the Mission's numerous field workers, is not likely to be found in such distinguished company. In fact, his sojourn in China, in comparison, was relatively brief. It lasted not quite six years, from January 1891 to September 1896, when he died of cholera and was buried in China. In many ways, he was merely another missionary, one of the many men and women, Catholic and Protestant, who had toiled in China, then faded into oblivion, and have since eluded the eye of the historical researcher.

It is a commonplace in modern Chinese history that the twin-concept oft'i–yungespoused a doctrine of cultural conservatism in late-Ch'ing China. Briefly, the dichotomy is seen as a call to preserve the 'substance' (t'i) of the Chinese cultural tradition by adopting the 'function' (yung) of Western technology, or simply, to strengthen Confucian China by implementing Western-inspired reforms; hence, the famous slogan, 'Chinese learning for fundamental principles and Western learning for practical application' (Chung-hsueh wei-t'i Hsi-hsueh weiyung). Both the slogan and the position it reflects have long come under criticism. An early, influential critic was Yen Fu, the well-known interpreter of Social Darwinism in late-Ch'ing China. In 1902, in a published open letter to the editor ofWai-chiao pao(Foreign affairs magazine), Yen expanded on an earlier view of a contemporary schlar, Ch'iu T'ing-liang, that the notion oft'i-yung, when properly applied, refers to the two complementary aspects of a single entity and not to attributes from two different juxtaposed objects. To drive home his point, Yen cites an analogy. An ox ast'ihas itsyung, which is to carry heavy loads, whereas a horse ast'ihas itsyung, which is to go long distances. Now the attempt to combine at'iwith an extraneousyungis like ascribing a horse's function to an ox's body, or vice versa, and the result could only be a bizarre mismatch, an affront to nature's purposes.