Suchergebnisse

1. Belt and Road Initiative: Evolution of China's Approach -- 2. Belt and Road Initiative: A View from Russia -- 3. China's Belt and Road Initiative: Impacts and Effects for Central Asia -- 4. Proceed with Caution: India's Approach to China's One Belt One Road and Other Cooperation Ideas in the Region -- 5. China-Europe Railway Connectivity: Opportunities and Challenges -- 6. The US Quest for Regional Dominance in Asia and the Chinese Challenge -- 7. Japan's Global Diplomacy in Response to Chinese Belt and Road Initiative -- 8. Vectors of Development for Asiatic Russia -- 9. The Linkage between Greater Eurasian Partnership and the Belt and Road Initiative: Current Situation and Prospects for the Future -- 10. Belt vs Road: Eurasian dilemma for infrastructure development -- 11. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Development of the Eurasia -- 12. India's Initiatives in Central Asia: Reenergising Ties with the Region -- 13. What is Eurasia to Us (the U.S.)? -- 14. From Asia-Pacific to Greater Eurasia: Regional Projects of Economic Orders and Great Power Competition.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- About the Author -- Preface -- Notes -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Russia, China, and the Changing International System -- The West -- Russia -- China -- Disagreements Come to the Surface -- Other Centers of Power and Their Associations -- Consolidation of Non-Western Centers -- Post-Bipolar System -- Notes -- 2 Russia in the Eyes of China -- The Fate of the "Elder Brother" -- Towards Strategic Partnership -- Changes in the Chinese Approach to Russia under Putin -- The Current Chinese View of Relations with Russia -- The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Central Asia -- Korea -- Alternative Views -- Conclusions -- Notes -- 3 Russia's Pivot to Asia or Just China? Russian Views of Relations with China -- Russia's Pivot to Asia -- Russia's Views on China in the 1990s -- A Multipolar World -- The View of China in Putin's Russia -- The Shanghai Cooperation Organization -- The Ukrainian Crisis and Russian Approach towards Relations with China -- Conclusions: Reasons for Rapprochement with China, a Russian View -- Notes -- 4 From Normalization to Strategic Partnership -- Russian-Chinese Relations under Yeltsin -- Putin Becomes President -- The Treaty of 2001 -- 9/11 Attacks and Their Impact -- Arab Revolutions -- Russia and China in Central Asia and the SCO -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 5 The Strategic Partnership Matures: Multidimensional Cooperation -- Strategic Partnership System -- Practical Cooperation -- Trade and Economic Cooperation -- Investment Cooperation -- Energy Cooperation -- Cooperation in Science and Technology -- Arms Trade -- Military Cooperation -- Korea -- Cooperation in Culture, Education, and Sports -- Chinese Demographic Expansion Myth -- Myth of the Russian-Chinese Struggle for Influence in Central Asia -- Real Areas of Potential Disagreement -- Notes

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Tables -- Introduction -- 1. From Mysterious Neighbor to Weak Ally: The Image of China in Imperial Russia -- 2. Proletarian Brother or Revisionist Foe? The Image of China in the Soviet Union -- 3. A Genuine Threat or a Political Weapon? The Image of China in Russian Border Regions -- 4. An Ally, a Foe, or a Model to Follow? The Image of China in Moscow after the Collapse of the Soviet Union -- 5. An Unsinkable Aircraft Carrier or a Beautiful Island? The Image of Taiwan in Russia

The paper comprehensively examines Russia's foreign policy towards the Korean Peninsula. Its scientific relevance is defined by the unsettled issues on the Korean Peninsula, including the nuclear one, and the peninsula's geographical proximity to the Russian Far East, the development of which is a priority task for Russia in the 21st century. The aim of the study is to analyze Russian approaches to the Korean settlement. The methodology includes the systemic and geopolitical approaches. Russia is interested in the peaceful situation on the Korean Peninsula, its denuclearization and the development of multilateral economic cooperation there. In principle, Russia would not object to the unification of Korea, provided that the process of unification would occur peacefully in conditions of social stability and it would not cause serious conflicts between the regional powers. However, it is not ready to take any active steps to achieve unification of Korea. The reason is Russia's unwillingness to exacerbate the existing tensions, irritate friendly China, and, what is especially important in the context of the growing confrontation with the United States, eliminate the DPRK as a potential partner in this confrontation. Russia prioritizes the six-party talks format for a comprehensive settlement of the Korean crisis in the context of reformatting the security architecture in Northeast Asia. It is unlikely that the Russian proposals will be implemented in the medium and long term since, firstly, the DPRK prefers to discuss its nuclear program directly with the United States. Secondly, the United States is seeking to strengthen the existing security structure in the region, based on bilateral alliances. The current acute confrontation between Russia and the United States as well as between the United States and China makes it practically unrealistic to create a united front to achieve denuclearization of the DPRK. The authors believe that resolving the nuclear problem of the Korean Peninsula without direct Russian participation would be more profitable for Russia than the status quo with the DPRK continuing to build up its nuclear missile potential and no opportunities for Russia to implement trilateral economic projects on the Korean peninsula.

Abstract
China and Russia are the main driving forces of Eurasian integration. Russia is pursuing its "pivot to Asia," while China is branching out to the West through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The interests of Russia and China meet in Eurasia and their friendly relations have led to several cooperation projects there. The most important are linkages between the Eurasian Economic Union and Silk Road Economic Belt Initiative and the plan to create a broader Eurasian Economic Partnership or Greater Eurasia. This article studies the reasons which led the two countries to intensify their cooperation in Eurasia and the current state and prospects of that cooperation.

In this special issue of Asian Politics & Policy, the authors argue that Russian‐Chinese rapprochement is a fundamental feature of the current changing system of international relations. The two countries are effectively enabling each other to conduct independent foreign policies often in direct opposition to the West. There is a degree of complimentarity between the two sides with Russia having comparative advantage in the military, intelligence and diplomatic fields and China being an economic superpower. The region of Central Asia has in reality become the cradle of the two countries' cooperation which is now affecting a wide range of international issues. The Korean peninsula is another important area of coordination between Moscow and Beijing in the Asia‐Pacific. Russia and China have also been working on increasing interoperability of their military forces in the region since mid 2000s. Technically they have already done much in preparing the ground for a military alliance. However, politically they do not appear to be ready for that yet.