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Harriet Jacobs' Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl and bell hooks' Bone Black: Memories of Girlhood share a common concern with emancipation and employ complementary rhetorical strategies. Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl presents Harriet Jacobs' journey of personal self-discovery through various relationships with others, and her personal narrative finally serves the larger goal of emancipation for her people. Jacobs' narrative is full of other voices, or personae. Even the narrator, Linda Brent, is pseudonymous, or "other," in this sense. Jacobs invokes these personae in her autobiography; she explores her experiences as a web of relationships. Jacobs shows a collective or communal notion of selfhood, and she uses this notion of selfhood to establish a bond of sisterhood among black women and white. Although slavery officially ended with emancipation, black Americans continue to live its historical legacy. Bone Black: Memories of Girlhood is both self-revelation and an attempt to record and refigure a rich Southern black culture. Polyptoton is the governing trope of hooks' narrative. Through it, she invites the reader to enter into her world from various angles. "I" evokes a subjective and an insider's response, whereas the pronoun "she" provokes an objective analysis. The first person plural, "we" serves as an often ironically liminal place between the subjective and a wholly detached, objective perspective. Complementing Jacobs' notion of a collective self, hooks presents the self that is diffracted in Bone Black. She presents a similar, universalizing argument: people, regardless of skin color, need to know the poison and damage of racial discrimination. As a feminist, hooks is also concerned about women's marginalization. She elaborates on her personal experiences as lessons for readers of both gender to be aware of the necessity and progress of women's empowerment. Jacobs' community of personae and hooks' use of polyptoton are complementary strategies. Jacobs' approach grows out of historical, political and legal exigencies. hooks' approach reflects her historical situation as well, with its "partially" emancipated outlook on race and gender. Both writers, however, move--and insist upon the importance of moving--from the singularity of personal experience to the life of the community.

AbstractEcological anthropology in China has a history of more than 70 years, and can be divided into four stages. The first stage was in the 1950s, which began with China's identification of minzu and socio-historical surveys of ethnic minorities. This stage was characterized by refinement and application of the Economic-Cultural Type theory from Soviet ethnography. The second stage took place in the 1980s and 1990s, when China's ecological anthropology research focused on explaining the relationship between local group culture and the environment, and how this changed in the process of modernization. Studies in this phase mainly concentrated on China's southwestern and northwestern regions, and the theoretical trends of the "adaptation model" and "the cost of development" were formed, becoming central topics. The third stage was in the first decade of the twenty-first century, when Chinese ecological anthropologists focused on the natural and social consequences of changes in the ecological environment, and stressed the importance of exploring, protecting and transforming local ecological knowledge. Ecological anthropology research flourished in Hunan, Guizhou, and Guangxi as well as in the Daxing'anling and Xiaoxing'anling mountainous regions of Northeast China. The fourth stage was in the most recent decade, when ecological anthropologists expanded their research to cover disasters, biodiversity, local social vulnerability and promotion of ecological progress, and their research areas expanded to the southeastern coast, inland river basins and traditional farming areas in the Central Plains. This paper argues that the development of ecological anthropology in China has been driven by academic consciousness rooted in local field experience, accurate understanding of the research target and changes in social situations of the era, and in-depth dialogue with Western ecological anthropological theories. At present, China's economic and social development patterns and the relationship between local people and their ecological environments are undergoing profound changes. Therefore, China's ecological anthropology should respond and adapt to these new changes through solid ethnographic surveys, take root in local field experience, and draw on the wisdom of ecological civilization development in excellent traditional Chinese culture, to become aware of new theories and carry out innovative development.

Employee engagement and corporate social responsibility (CSR) are two important issues attracting an increasing amount of attention from both business communication researchers and practitioners. A theory-driven model that (1) conceptualizes employee engagement as social media engagement, job engagement, and organizational engagement, and (2) explicates how they are related to an organization's CSR communication strategies and employee perceived CSR motives is still lacking. To place our study in the context of CSR and business communication, we proposed a strategies-motives-employee engagement model. Results from an online Qualtrics survey (n = 836) supported all our hypotheses except for the direct link between interacting CSR communication strategies and employee organizational engagement. We conducted a two-step Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) analysis to test all our hypotheses. Theoretical and practical implications of the study were discussed.

Abstract.  This study is aimed at providing a more accurate estimate of the returns to schooling in China by controlling for unobserved ability heterogeneity and measurement errors. We identify a unique instrument to correct for the omitted ability bias. We find that the attenuation bias caused by measurement error dominates the omitted ability bias in the OLS estimation. Based on the GMM estimation, for young workers in China, the return to schooling is 15.0% overall and 16.9% for women.