Suchergebnisse

Dealing with the migrant crisis in Europe has shown that the regulations, principles, and values of the European Union are overshadowed by the individual interests of its member states. On the one hand, EU member states have faced internal political challenges caused by populism, while on the other hand, there has been a lack of rapid, coordinated, and synchronised measures to solve the problems at hand. The mass influx of migrants from Asia and Africa to Europe indicates demographic shifts on a historic scale and possible global consequences, but EU member states have been observing the issue and are still observing it primarily from their own national point of view. A comparative analysis of electoral support for populist parties and movements in Europe since the beginning of the migrant crisis has led to an indicative conclusion that there is a direct correlation between increasing support for populists and the large-scale migrant crisis. The significant influx of migrants has contributed not decisively, but to a significant extent to the creation of a great populist wave that has engulfed almost all of Europe.

When researching multiculturalism and the process of Europeanisation in Serbia and countries of the region, one must first examine the status of multiculturality and multiculturalism, from the normative framework to states' policies which decidedly determine the nature and functioning of a political community. Starting from the fact that the context, nature and structure of a political community determines the essence of rights and freedoms stipulated by the constitution and laws, as well as that a synergy of good laws and sound policies enables an effective policy of multiculturality, integration and interlacing of cultures of diverse national communities in a society, the proclaimed multiculturalism was studied in this paper, with a view to ascertain whether such constitutional and legislative framework and policies exist, and if they did, whether there was concerted action between them. The key finding was that the states of the region support a civil state in principle, that they are exclusively or predominantly nationally legitimised by the highest legislative acts and that the factual state is marked by various national cultural identities that are not integrated into the model of plural citizenship. The paper shows that there is a lack of political will to transform the declared support for a pluralistic civil state into public policies affirming the values of multiculturalism, as well as that there is a lack of strong institutions to support such policy. Creating civil awareness, strengthening civil values and virtues are not priorities for state institutions or media controlled by governments. Rather than that, their priority is to strengthen national identities. Hence, based on the above, we can affirm that civil states, civil values and civil identities are only at initial stages, i.e. that they are still, only occasionally, at the level of general programme orientation and set aims. The necessary ingredient for their firm establishment is a consolidated democracy and acceptance of universal values of developed democracies, such as the rule of law and protection of human rights and freedoms.

Populism, stabilitocracy and multiculturalism are three social phenomena which have recently been in the spotlight of political science professionals, while simultaneously also capturing the attention of a wider public. Studying these phenomena is important not only in order for us to better understand their nature, but also to be able to confront the consequences they produce. Stabilitocracy and multiculturality comprise political and social habitus of populism in Serbia, while liberal democracy and multiculturalism constitute political goals which lead to a well-regulated state and free society. Populism in Serbia, i.e. manifestations of Serbian populism primarily through glorification of the people, anti-elitism and anti-pluralism comprise the central part of this book, in addition to considerations of the institutional and political framework in which this populism is manifested – stabilitocracy. In order to better understand populism in Serbia, the study includes the results of an empirical research concerning the perception of politics, the attitudes of citizens towards the people and political elite, and their attitudes towards representative democracy, leader and "dangerous others". When in multinational societies populists homogenize the people, they usually homogenize their own national group, while the rest of the people are at the very least excluded, or even more frequently treated as "dangerous others". A consequence of the populist homogenization of the people is anti-pluralism which erodes liberal values in political communities, since in multicultural societies, the fight for pluralism is the fight for the harmony of diversity, while multiculturalism is the manner of diversity management which leads to harmonisation of the political community and society.

When researching multiculturalism and the process of Europeanisation in
Serbia and countries of the region, one must first examine the status of
multiculturality and multiculturalism, from the normative framework to
states? policies which decidedly determine the nature and functioning of a
political community. Starting from the fact that the context, nature and
structure of a political community determines the essence of rights and
freedoms stipulated by the constitution and laws, as well as that a synergy
of good laws and sound policies enables an effective policy of
multiculturality, integration and interlacing of cultures of diverse
national communities in a society, the proclaimed multiculturalism was
studied in this paper, with a view to ascertain whether such constitutional
and legislative framework and policies exist, and if they did, whether there
was concerted action between them. The key finding was that the states of
the region support a civil state in principle, that they are exclusively or
predominantly nationally legitimised by the highest legislative acts and
that the factual state is marked by various national cultural identities
that are not integrated into the model of plural citizenship. The paper
shows that there is a lack of political will to transform the declared
support for a pluralistic civil state into public policies affirming the
values of multiculturalism, as well as that there is a lack of strong
institutions to support such policy. Creating civil awareness, strengthening
civil values and virtues are not priorities for state institutions or media
controlled by governments. Rather than that, their priority is to strengthen
national identities. Hence, based on the above, we can affirm that civil
states, civil values and civil identities are only at initial stages, i.e.
that they are still, only occasionally, at the level of general programme
orientation and set aims. The necessary ingredient for their firm
establishment is a consolidated democracy and acceptance of universal values
of developed democracies, such as the rule of law and protection of human
rights and freedoms.

In this paper, populism is regarded as a kind of ideological map that facilitates to the citizens their coping in the political space, as well as a "thin-centered ideology" which has at his center the idea that politics should be a reflection of the will of the people, the idea that a clean and moral nation confronts a corrupt elite and "out groups", "out groups" which actions endanger or impair the rights and values of the nation. The paper focuses on some fundamental theoretical considerations on populism and empirical determination of the elements of populism in the public opinion in Serbia. Based on opinion polls in Serbia it has been shown what is the relationship of citizens to the people, political elites, democracy and its institutions, as well as the attitude towards "out groups". Empirical research conducted in Serbia in 2017 confirms the hypothesis that the gap between citizens and their elected representatives is deep, and it marks also that conventional politics increasingly faces the difficulties to reach citizens, and that lack of trust in political parties is generated in all spheres of representative democracy. In the political life, "out groups" are instrumentally ranked by political actors according to the necessities of the moment, and the empirical research of attitudes shows that they are in the same way as "out groups experienced by the citizens.

This paper focuses on migration in the context of European integration which
implies, on the one hand, internal integration, integration within the EU
and, on the other hand, the enlargement process related to the countries that
have applied to join the EU. The aim is to determine in which way the
migration, especially refugee crisis in 2015, had influence on the EU, as a
supranational political community, and what was the impact on Serbia which is
in the process of integration into the European Union. Migrant crisis has
shown that the EU has to confront many different issues including several
issues of great importance for its survival and strengthening: how to
influence on global processes to a greater extent instead of dealing with the
consequences of the global politics of others; how to preserve and keep the
values that the EU itself is founded and the values on which should be built
upon further construction of the political community and, finally, weather
the EU can be transformed in the direction of the United European States, in
both the functional and in terms of values, or the EU will move towards
deepening of Europe of concentric circles. Faced with extremely complex
migration situation, Serbia does not have the appropriate institutional and
regulatory framework, nor a political response to a series of complex issues
in the area of migration and migration-related issues, such as asylum system,
irregular migration, sustainable return of our citizens asylum seekers in EU
member states, implementation of the agreement on readmission, the departure
of highly educated - brain drain, migration and development, the fight
against human trafficking (protection of victims, prevention, criminal
prosecution of traffickers), and smuggling of migrants, issues of border
management, demarcation and boundary determination (as well as the agreement
that should be concluded). Some of these problems migrant crisis has made
visible by encouraging coping with the need of systemic response to the flaws
in the regulatory framework, in the policy concerning asylum seekers,
irregular migration through the territory of Serbia, as well as in the
sustainable return of our citizens, applicants for asylum in member states.
If we put all this in the context of untimely planning, ineffective
management of economic trends, the lack of financial support from Brussels to
deal with the refugee crisis, but also in the context of the fact that the
enlargement policy is aimed at meeting the Copenhagen criteria, but not on
economic growth - then the fears of uncontrolled influx of migrants pose
potential capital of radical and populist political options. In the
relationship with Brussels, Serbia would have to fight for more
under-standing regarding the state of the economy and, in general, regarding
help with the costs of joining the EU, especially in case of further
escalation of the migrant crisis. Serbia's image in the international arena
has been changing for better because of the human attitude towards refugees
and migrants who were in transit, but for the citizens of Serbia is much more
important that the attitude towards them is a part of the essential changes
in the society, and not juste an agile response to the crisis - i. e. what
metters most is to make appropriate administrative and legal measures, to
effectively manage the problems that migrant crisis put in the foreground,
but primarily to change the essence of political community and to have this
change of image as a result of state and society transformation towards
strengthening democratic institutions, the rule of law, media freedom and
developed human rights and freedoms.

Accessibility of audiovisual content for people with disabilities is strongly
related to the right of freedom of opinion and expression, right to the equal
treatment and the right to freedom from discrimination. UN, Council of Europe
and the European Union regulate the issue of accessibility, including the
accessibility of information and communication technology, ICT, by a number
of documents ? conventions, charters, directives, etc. However, the most
important international instrument stressing this issue in the context of
human rights is the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.
Enormous developments in the field of ICT open up a large scope of
opportunities for persons with disabilities to have barrier-free access to
the audiovisual content. Among other things, digital distribution should make
the audiovisual content fully accessible to all. The legal framework of the
Republic of Serbia regulating this issue in general is in line with European
standards, however, the percentage of fully accessible audiovisual content is
far below acceptable in Europe. Stronger obligations for private and public
broadcasters to provide fully accessible media content, the introduction of
quotas, giving new and more binding powers to telecom and media regulatory
body, etc., are some of the ideas that, applied in Europe, had generated much
better situation in the audiovisual area for people with sensory impairments.
Without redefined and more binding obligations of broadcasters, without
larger powers of regulatory bodies, which would mean the possibility of
introducing sanctions for certain actions or lack of action of both public
and private media services, at this level of social responsibility awareness,
media service providers can always refer to the lack of technical and
financial capacities in their response why they did not provide accessible
content in their programs. Hence, only with great optimism it can be expected
that audiovisual area in Serbia in the near future will be barrier-free in a
more significant extent in order to finally achieve the goal of audiovisual
world accessible to all.

Ce trait? examine le probl?me de la position et du statut des Serbes au
Mont?n?gro, ainsi que leur organisation politique et sociale depuis la
s?paration de la Serbie et du Mont?n?gro en 2006. La question de l?identit?
nationale de la population chr?tienne orthodoxe du Mont?n?gro reste encore
dans la sph?re de la politique et non pas de la statistique et repr?sente une
des scissions sociales principales du Mont?n?gro contemporain. Les Serbes ne
sont pas satisfaits, et cela ? juste raison, de la mani?re dont on a trait?
cette question jusqu?? pr?sent et juste le moyen dont on se servira d?sormais
pour r?soudre cette question d?finira consid?rablement le caract?re du
Mont?n?gro en tant qu??tat et le peuple Serbe dans cet ?tat. La r?ponse ? la
question si les Serbes seront reconnus comme un peuple autochtone et ?gal
d?pendra, avant tout, des Serbes au Mont?n?gro eux-m?mes, mais aussi, elle
d?pendra consid?rablement de l?attitude et de la position que prendra la
Serbie par rapport ? cette question et ensuite de la capacit? des ?lites
politiques mont?n?grines au pouvoir de les accepter, non seulement en th?orie
mais aussi en pratique, comme une communaut? nationale ?gale.

"Der Beitrag geht von der These aus, dass eine langfristige Strategie Serbiens, die allein auf nationalen Parametern als Entscheidungsgrundlagen beruht, fatal für die europäische Perspektive des Landes war. Die Ergebnisse einer solchen Politik sind: Eine verarmte und xenophobe Gesellschaft, die vorübergehend auf der Basis eines unkritischen Nationalismus homogenisiert wird. Umfragen zeigen jedoch, dass es trotz vieler sozialer, sozialpsychologischer und politischer Hindernisse einige Indikatoren gibt, die zu einer europäischen Zukunft Serbiens ermutigen. Grundsätzlich gibt es eine Offenheit gegenüber Europa, die allerdings seit einigen Jahren durch die politische Elite mit den Mitteln situationsbezogener Fremdenfeindlichkeit und instrumentalisiertem Nationalismus in den Hintergrund gedrängt wurde." (Autorenreferat)

Suggests Serbian government policy options for peaceful relations with Kosovian Albanians.