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This article introduces the Masculinities Representations Inventory (MRI), English version, as a multidimensional measure of gender (re)presentation. It provides structural, convergent, and divergent validity, as well as reliability evidence, in support of its use among English speakers in South Africa. Principal components analysis with a male student sample ( n = 319) confirms the measure's construct multidimensionality. Three factors inform a 29-item total- and subscale measure, including dominant Representations of Othering (Anti-Effeminacy and Homo-Negativity), Responsibility (Dependability and Success), and Control (Dominance and Toughness). Evidence of convergent validity is seen in predicted patterns of correlation between MRI scale scores and those of the Male Role Norms Inventory as well as Gender Role Conflict Scales. Evidence of divergent validity is apparent in nonsignificant correlations, in all but one case (Masculinity), with the Personal Attributes Questionnaire scale scores.

This paper considers how local and regional representations of hegemonic masculinity are (re)produced, and how men's gender identities are constituted through situated interaction in South Africa. It points toward the important role played by the discourse and rhetoric of heteronormativity among these men in hegemonic sense-making, and in particular, the underlying discursive practices of performative/intimate (hetero)sexuality and homosexual rejection/acceptance. An attempt is made to account for complexity and diversity in this sense-making across intersecting social categories such as ethnicity and social class. Focus group discussion among Afrikaans, English and Xhosa men was transcribed and backtranslated where necessary. A technique of discourse analysis that considers the rhetorical aspects of text is developed through the introduction of norm-referencing rhetorical devices. Findings highlight the extent to which practices of both compliance and resistance contribute toward the (re)production of masculinities.

This article describes the development of the Male Attitude Norms Inventory-II (MANI II). Empirical findings and theoretical debate contributed toward the development of a measure of South African masculinity ideology. Three hundred and thirty-nine male participants, drawn from universities across greater Cape Town, were included in the study. Exploratory factor analysis rendered a three-factor model of traditional masculinity. This accounted for 31.44 percent of total item variance. Results informed the development of a Total Scale ( α = 0.90)as well as three subscale measures (Toughness, α = 0.81; Control, α = 0.82; and Sexuality, α = 0.85). The MANI-II displayed satisfactory convergent validity with the Male Role Norms Inventory (MRNI) (r = 0.84; p < 0.001). The MANI-II and MRNI subscales were also meaningfully interrelated. The MANI-II offers a contextually sensitive and multidimensional measure of masculinities. Future research should include a representative sample, establish test-retest reliability, and further examine total and subscale construct validity.

Intro -- Contents -- About the Authors -- Chapter Summaries -- Chapter 1: Only for the Brave? Political Men and Masculinities: Change Agents for Gender Equality -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.1.1 Political Men and Masculinities -- 1.1.1.1 A Singular or Multiple Concepts of Political Masculinities? -- 1.1.1.2 Locating Political Masculinities within a Conceptual Landscape? -- 1.1.1.3 Understanding Power and Political Masculinities? -- 1.1.2 Change Agents for Gender Equality -- 1.1.3 Political Men and Masculinities as Change Agents -- 1.2 A Summary of Contributions -- References -- Chapter 2: The Politics of Absent Men or Political Masculinities Without the Polis -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Political Masculinities in the Mainstream -- 2.3 Political Masculinities in Relation to Feminism -- 2.4 Political Masculinities: The Politics of Absent Men without the Polis -- 2.4.1 Political Masculinities: Transnational Agents of Change -- 2.4.2 Political Masculinities: Virtual Agents of Change -- 2.4.3 Political Masculinities: Ageing Agents of Change -- 2.5 Not a Conclusion, and a Further Absence … -- References -- Chapter 3: Male Agents of Change and Disassociating from the Problem in the Prevention of Violence against Women -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Method -- 3.3 The Personal Is Political and the Political Is Personal -- 3.4 Distancing Oneself from the Problem -- 3.4.1 Disassociation from Other Men -- 3.4.2 Disassociation from Men's Violence -- 3.4.3 Disassociation from Patriarchy -- 3.5 Resisting Disassociation -- 3.6 Moving Beyond Shame -- 3.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Change among the Change Agents? Men's Experiences of Engaging in Anti-Violence Advocacy as White Ribbon Australia Ambassadors -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.1.1 Australia's White Ribbon Campaign -- 4.2 Method -- 4.2.1 Demographic Profile -- 4.3 Results and Discussion.

This introduction to the special issue on "Political Masculinities and Social Transition" rethinks the notion of "crisis in masculinity" and points to its weaknesses, such as cyclical patterns and chronicity. Rather than viewing key moments in history as points of rupture, we understand social change as encompassing ongoing transitions marked by a "fluid nature" (Montecinos 2017, 2). In line with this, the contributions examine how political masculinities are implicated within a wide range of social transitions, such as nation building after war, the founding of a new political party in response to an economic crisis, an "authoritarian relapse" in a democracy, attempts at changing society through terrorism, rapid industrialization as well as peace building in conflict areas. Building on Starck and Sauer's definition of "political masculinities" we suggest applying the concept to instances in which power is explicitly either being (re)produced or challenged. We distinguish between political masculinities that are more readily identified as such (e.g., professional politicians) and less readily identified political masculinities (e.g., citizens), emphasizing how these interact with each other. We ask whether there is a discernible trajectory in the characteristics of political masculinities brought about by social transition that can be confirmed across cultures. The contributors' findings indicate that these political masculinities can contribute to different kinds of change that either maintain the status quo, are progressive, retrogressive, or a mixture of these. Revolutionary transitions, it seems, often promote the adherence to traditional forms of political masculinity, whereas more reformatory transition leaves discursive spaces for argument.

Verbal microaggressions perpetuate inequalities and negatively impact wellbeing. Yet, there is little work on microaggressions in situ. We address this gap, connecting microaggressions research with scholarship concerning prejudice and discrimination in situated interaction, and focusing on (hetero)sexist microaggressions. Conversation analysis (CA) and membership categorisation analysis (MCA) are applied to excerpts of naturally-occurring and focus group conversation to determine what (hetero)sexist microaggressions look like in practice; how they affect conversations; and whether they map onto well-documented CA/MCA phenomena. Findings suggest that when people produce microaggressive utterances, they use various devices (e.g. pre-sequences, idioms, humour) to mitigate accountability. Furthermore, concerning recipients' reactions, the treatment of an utterance as microaggressive can involve hallmarks of dispreferred turns including hesitation and/or indirect challenges involving deletion/repair initiation. We therefore propose that such features are criteria for an utterance/sequence to be considered microaggressive. Moreover, such strategies suggest that speakers/recipients are agentic in the (re)production of (hetero)sexism, and therefore may be agentic in effecting change.

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Recent events such as the US presidential campaign have polarised public opinion, particularly in terms of support for 'populist' political figures, e.g., Donald Trump, and the seemingly non-egalitarian ideologies that they promote. One might anticipate that disempowered social groups, such as women or sexual minorities, would reject 'right-wing populism', as it rarely appears to advocate their interests or facilitate their empowerment. Yet the existence of movements like 'Gays for Trump' and '#WomenWhoVoteTrump' indicate more complex patterns of support. How might we understand this from gender and sexualities perspectives? This paper presents the proceedings of a round table discussion. Our contributors, members of a cross-institutional social psychological Gender and Sexualities Research Group, each presented a brief five-minute interpretation of the phenomenon. They did so from gender and/or sexualities perspectives, drawing upon different social psychological theory. A chaired debate followed. Key themes from the round table are identified which are potentially helpful in understanding the phenomenon. The broader implications of these themes for practice and theory are considered in terms of the concept of 'safe identities'.