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A SOCIETAL APPROACH TO POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGYSOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONISM; THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF REALITY; SUMMARY; GLOSSARY; FURTHER READING; QUESTIONS FOR GROUP DISCUSSION; CHAPTER 2 A CRITICAL HISTORY OF RESEARCH METHODS; WHAT DO WE WANT TO KNOW ABOUT THE WORLD AND WHY?; HOW CAN WE KNOW THE WORLD?; SEARCHING FOR UNIVERSAL LAWS OF BEHAVIOR; THE COMPUTABILITY PROBLEM; THE HISTORIC NATURE OF RESEARCH FINDINGS; THE ORIGIN OF STATISTICS; THE CONSTRUCTION OF NORMS, NORMALITY, AND NORMALCY; USING STATISTICAL MEASURES AND MODELS FOR POLITICAL PURPOSES; THE NULL HYPOTHESIS SIGNIFICANCE TEST.

This study examined the relative powerof sociodemographic, knowledge, and attitudinal variables in predicting environmental concem and indifference in young people, using data from a subsample of 1,089 13- to 1 6-year-olds who participated in a U.K. survey on public understanding of science. The best discriminator between environmentally concemed and indifferent young people was self-reported level of knowledge about specific environmental issues. Level of scientific knowledge and exposure to television science programs were also powerful discriminators after the social class effect was considered. In addition, attitudes toward scientific changes were a good discriminating factor, after the effects of social class and knowledge were taken into account. However, age contributed only slightly in predicting environmental concern and indifference, and sex and personal commitment to science made no significant contribution. These findings support prior researchers' assertions that views about science relate to environmental attitudes and have implications for environmental education.

Extending research on US ideological identity as a social identity, this study employs a social representations approach to capture identity meaning as a form of national attachment. Across two studies (n = 723), we demonstrate that two novel organizing principles of US ideological identity—national reverence (veneration of the nation in the abstract, its symbols, sacred texts, and founding fathers) and individual support (a focus on the progress of individuals and the change required to bring about equality)—significantly predicted ideological self-categorization, 2016 presidential voting, and affective political polarization over and above right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation. The results suggest an integration of national and conservative identities that places US national identity in opposition to liberal identity and to progress and equality, pointing to the divisive employment of national identity in the current political environment.

Recent research highlights the significant role of political ideological identities in America's increasing political polarisation. In line with social identity theory, self-placement as a US liberal or conservative predicts favouritism toward the ideological in-group and negative attitudes and behaviours toward the outgroup. The theory also holds that the link between self-categorisation and behaviour is mediated by the content of that identity, by what an individual believes it means to be a member of that group. Although previous research has done much to analyse the differences between US liberals and conservatives on various a priori dimensions, little work has been aimed at gaining a holistic account of ideological identity content from the individual's lay perspective. Through qualitative analysis of 40 interviews (20 liberals and 20 conservatives), this study identifies central themes in the meaning self-identified US liberals and conservatives attribute to these labels and finds evidence for asymmetrical constructions of these identities. The liberal participant group's identity construction revolved around identification as, and concern for, individuals, supported by reference to personal values and political issues and underpinned by a motivation to move toward a more equal society. Conversely, the conservative participant group connected the understanding of their identity directly to the political ideology of the nation through a thread of self-reliance and reverence for the national group. Implications for political behaviour and the study of ideological identity are discussed.

Recent research highlights the significant role of political ideological identities in America's increasing political polarisation. In line with social identity theory, self-placement as a US liberal or conservative predicts favouritism toward the ideological in-group and negative attitudes and behaviours toward the outgroup. The theory also holds that the link between self-categorisation and behaviour is mediated by the content of that identity, by what an individual believes it means to be a member of that group. Although previous research has done much to analyse the differences between US liberals and conservatives on various a priori dimensions, little work has been aimed at gaining a holistic account of ideological identity content from the individual's lay perspective. Through qualitative analysis of 40 interviews (20 liberals and 20 conservatives), this study identifies central themes in the meaning self-identified US liberals and conservatives attribute to these labels and finds evidence for asymmetrical constructions of these identities. The liberal participant group's identity construction revolved around identification as, and concern for, individuals, supported by reference to personal values and political issues and underpinned by a motivation to move toward a more equal society. Conversely, the conservative participant group connected the understanding of their identity directly to the political ideology of the nation through a thread of self-reliance and reverence for the national group. Implications for political behaviour and the study of ideological identity are discussed. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

Recent research highlights the significant role of political ideological identities in America's increasing political polarisation. In line with social identity theory, self-placement as a US liberal or conservative predicts favouritism toward the ideological in-group and negative attitudes and behaviours toward the outgroup. The theory also holds that the link between self-categorisation and behaviour is mediated by the content of that identity, by what an individual believes it means to be a member of that group. Although previous research has done much to analyse the differences between US liberals and conservatives on various a priori dimensions, little work has been aimed at gaining a holistic account of ideological identity content from the individual's lay perspective. Through qualitative analysis of 40 interviews (20 liberals and 20 conservatives), this study identifies central themes in the meaning self-identified US liberals and conservatives attribute to these labels and finds evidence for asymmetrical constructions of these identities. The liberal participant group's identity construction revolved around identification as, and concern for, individuals, supported by reference to personal values and political issues and underpinned by a motivation to move toward a more equal society. Conversely, the conservative participant group connected the understanding of their identity directly to the political ideology of the nation through a thread of self-reliance and reverence for the national group. Implications for political behaviour and the study of ideological identity are discussed.

An account is given of a current research project which is examining the impact of social inclusion on the self-concept of adolescents with visual impairments and the way this differs from their typically developing sighted peers. The study considers developmental and cognitive theories which are used to explain the development of self-concept in typical and atypical adolescents and the impact of social inclusion on this particular aspect of mental health.

The present study investigates the relationship between the foreign policy orientation of Irish neutrality and national identity using a social representations approach (Elcheroth, Doise, & Reicher, 2011; Moscovici, 1961/76). In four focus groups conducted in the Republic of Ireland, 22 participants discussed vignettes in which hypothetical conflicts were described. The findings pointed towards the dynamic relationship between neutrality and Irish national identity and more generally to the importance of macropolitical phenomena for identity construction. The process of categorization was key to participants' decision making regarding the hypothetical conflicts; the decision to support or oppose the Irish state's involvement in the conflicts frequently revolved around a reconsideration of the boundaries of the ingroup. Furthermore, social representations were laden with the possibility of social change; the construction of neutrality as morally ambivalent, motivated by pragmatism rather than principles, opened up a space for younger participants to resist dominant, pragmatic interpretations of the policy and offer alternatives. Theoretical and empirical implications of the findings are discussed. Taken together, the findings demonstrate the critical potential of extending a social representations approach to issues of political psychological significance.

This study explores identification with one's national group using two distinct but interrelated concepts: identity content & relational orientation. Theoretical distinctions were drawn between two forms of identity content: traditional-cultural & civic, & between two forms of relational orientation: blind & constructive. The multidimensionality of both identity content & relational orientation & the relationships amongst these components were examined in a British sample: positive relationships were hypothesized between blind orientation & traditional-cultural content & between constructive orientation & civic content. Principal components analyses confirmed the hypothesized factor structures, & the resulting scales were highly reliable. Relationships among the resulting factors were explored using regression analyses. The overall results indicate support for the orthogonality of both the two orientation dimensions & the two content dimensions. Moreover, the hypothesized relationships between forms of orientation & content were largely supported. In conclusion, this study highlights the importance of looking at the relationship between identity content & relational orientation. The implications of these observations for theory & research are discussed with reference to using categories to "group" participants in research, citizenship education, & more general attitudes toward social change. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.