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This paper studies the decision made by a family to invest in student migration. We propose an empirical structural decision model which reflects the importance of both the return to the investment and the budgetary constraint in the choice of the family. We circumvent the problem of endogeneity of the educational attainment by deriving sharp bounds and conduct inference for the parameters of interest. The data are collected on students from Cameroon, using a new snowball sampling procedure, which allow the inclusion of both migrants and non-migrants in the sample. We propose bias corrected estimators for this procedure. We study the characteristics of potential candidates to migration that increase or decrease their probability to migrate, accounting for a potential helper in the diaspora. Among the interesting results we find that a choice to complete a Master's degree doubles the odds of migration, there is little evidence of gender preference, students migrants are positively selected on their previous academic results.

Using a panel of naturalizations in the United States from 1965 to 2012, we empirically analyze the impact of elections on naturalization policy. Our results indicate that naturalization policy is (partly) driven by national elections: there are more naturalizations in presidential election years and during the terms of Democratic incumbents. To disentangle the efect of government policies from changes in the demand for naturalizations, we examine how the acceptance rate of naturalization petitions is afected by elections. The analysis reveals that the acceptance rate is much higher under Democratic incumbents with the strongest increase during the years that are closer to the next presidential election. In contrast, (almost) no variation is found under a Republican incumbent. We then investigate the dynamics of an incumbent's behavior over the course of his term in detail. Our fndings indicate that the efects are more pronounced in politically contested states, in states with many migrants and for immigrants originating from Latin America. ; + ID der Publikation: hslu_76814 + Art des Beitrages: Wissenschaftliche Medien + Jahrgang: 183 + Sprache: Englisch + Letzte Aktualisierung: 2020-06-16 09:25:43 + Publisher's Statement: This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of an article published in Public Choice. The final authenticated version is available online at: dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-019-00687-3

Using a panel of naturalizations in U.S. states from 1965 to 2012, we empirically analyze the impact of elections on immigration policy. Our results indicate that immigration policy is (partly) driven by national elections: there are more naturalizations in presidential election years and during the terms of Democratic incumbents. Further, the partisan effects are more pronounced in politically contested states, in states with higher levels of immigration and driven by immigrants from Latin America.

Using a panel of naturalizations in U.S. states from 1965 to 2012, we empirically analyze the impact of elections on naturalization policy. Our results indicate that naturalization policy is (partly) driven by national elections: there are more naturalizations in presidential election years and during the terms of Democratic incumbents. We then investigate the dynamics of an incumbent's behavior over the course of the his term in detail, finding that the effects are more pronounced in politically contested states and for immigrants originating from Latin America.

Using a panel of naturalizations in U.S. states from 1986 to 2012, we empirically analyze the impact of elections on immigration policy. Our results indicate that immigration policy is (partly) driven by national elections: there are more naturalizations in presidential election years and during the terms of Democratic incumbents. Further, the partisan effects are more pronounced in politically contested states.

Despite widespread agreement that asylum policies are partly determined by political economy factors in the destination country, there is little empirical evidence on the precise linkage between those political factors and asylum policies. We shed light on this issue by examining the impact of elections and parties on first-time asylum applications. Our evidence is based on a large bilateral panel data set comprising 12 European destination countries and their 51 most relevant origin countries during the time period 2002 to 2014. Our findings suggest that the number of asylum applicants under left- and right-wing parties converges before elections and differs thereafter. This result is robust to several different specifications and suggests that both left- and right-wing cabinets choose moderate policies before an election and less moderate policies after it.

Despite the recognition that asylum policies are partly determined by political economy factors in the destination country, there is little empirical evidence on the precise linkages between those political factors and asylum policies. We shed light on this issue by examining the impact of elections and parties on first-time asylum applications. Our evidence is based on a large bilateral panel data set comprising 12 European destination countries and their 51 most relevant origin countries during the time period 2002 to 2014. Our findings suggest that the number of asylum applicants under left- and right-wing parties converges before elections and differs thereafter. This result is robust to several different specifications and suggests that both left- and rightwing cabinets choose moderate policies before the election and less moderate policies after the election.

The Qualifications, potentials and life courses of Syrian asylum seekers (QPLC) survey was motivated by the necessity to understand the experiences, motivations and investment decisions that newly arrived Syrian asylum seekers have or undertake. With the rise of asylum seekers starting in 2014, public debate centered on three major question: who are those arriving in Germany, what are their future prospects in Germany and how can they best be integrated into the German society and labor market.
The study collects data on the life course, potential, and ability of Syrian asylum seekers. It also asked questions on their motivation to integrate and on their expectations about living in Germany.
The target population of the QPLC survey comprised of persons aged 18 or older with Syrian nationality who entered Germany starting from 2014, in order to apply for protection. We conducted 275 interviews in the state of Bavaria, Germany, from May to December 2017 with a response rate of 46.8 percent and a cooperation rate of 55.3 percent.
Interviews were conducted in Arabic by interviewers who spoke the regional Arabic dialect using computer assisted personal interviewing mode (CAPI). Tests were conducted in paper-pencil mode by the interviewer.

This study presents a comparative analysis of regulatory thresholds applicable to firms in France and in Germany. A central question tackled by the report is whether regulations related to limits on firms' employment appear to prevent French firms from growing above these thresholds. The first part of the report specifies how the obligations of the firms depend on the number of employees. Several thresholds apply to firms in both countries. In France, the main regulations become effective when a firm hires the fiftieth employee. In the empirical analysis on small and medium-sized manufacturing firms in the second part of the report, evidence is found for distorting effects on the firm size distribution only in France. French firms are increasingly concentrated below the regulatory thresholds of 10, 20, and 50 employees. The effects of the 50-employee-threshold on employment growth at the firm level are evaluated in particular. Firms are less likely to hire new workers if the 50-employee-threshold is exceeded. When it comes to different reform proposals in the third part of the report, increasing the thresholds permanently would encourage firm growth in the range between the current and the new threshold. In the longer term, a new distortion would be established at the new threshold. The most efficient way to reduce other distortions at the threshold would be to estimate the costs that such regulations impose on firms, and then offer firms that exceed that threshold a reduction in payroll tax when the threshold is crossed.