Suchergebnisse

Polish political theorists' research revolves around the question of the political. There have been many analyses of this issue in Polish political science journals, for which the starting point was antagonistic and subsequently agonistic approaches to the political. Against this background, inquiries going in the direction of consensual approaches constituted a minority; additionally, it is difficult to synthesise them directly from the output of Polish theorists, as these approaches are often not explicitly articulated, but their significant elements appear in nominally non-consensual considerations. The purpose of this article is to bring this picture closer, not only from the personal side, but also as an attempt to reconstruct the essence of the political in terms of consensus, no longer antagonism or agonism. The other objective is to indicate both the theoretical potential of this approach and its interpretative usefulness against the background of other dominant approaches.

This paper comprises four related parts. The first part presents hypotheses regarding the forms of creating a collective identity in the age of digitization and the adopted theoretical assumptions, including conceptualization of concepts. The concept of Daniel Kahneman's thinking systems is quoted, which was used to analyse the presented phenomenon in relation to the political decisionmaking process. The second section is a presentation of the research problem as a concept that is equivalent to the category of behavioural economics. Next, we explain the pattern of the transition from the left-wing identity policy to its right-wing response. The final part represents an analysis of the Internet collective identity in relation to political risk and profit, while the epilogue presents the political implications of the use of collective identity by measurement tools and consulting entities managing the flow, collection and compilation of data.

Wartość poznawcza współczesnej politologii jest wynikiem utrwalonego konsensusu, który w znaczącym stopniu ignoruje metodologiczny spór pomiędzy naturalizmem i antynaturalizmem, zakładając że ścisłość wiedzy politologicznej jest mniej istotna od jej postulowanej użyteczności. Tekst podejmuje próbę wskazania perspektywy epistemologicznej, będącej odpowiedzią na formalne usunięcie wiedzy o faktach społecznych z zasobów teorii nauki przez Karla R. Poppera. Chodzi zatem o perspektywy znalezienia odpowiedzi na ile synteza wiedzy społecznej i przyrodoznawstwa może zdjąć z politologii inwektywę pseudonauki, do czego w dużym stopniu przyczynili się jej współcześni prominenci, ograniczając poznanie do kwantyfikacji typowych zachowań społecznych, a wiedzę o tym uznając za niepodważalną na gruncie metodologii.

The conflict between science and the belief in political and ideological consensus on global warming This article provides an analysis of conflict between scientific attitude and ideological belief. The consen­sus on global warming has excluding from Popper's falsifiability. The same issue concerns verification and confirmation on global warming hypothesis. Only three out of a hundred scientists calls into question the theory of climate catastrophe. We don't know if this theory is false, because climatologists and politicians did not accept independent research on global warming. Reduce CO2 emission is dogma of Left-wing politics. The natural sciences are included in the political discourse area. The global warming is a part of ideology and draws people into the area of policy actions

Modern knowledge about politics draws from a variety of resources for which the academic environment of political scientists is not at all a nonalternative issuer of information. Not only cognitive egalitarianism is postulated, but also more adequate knowledge is chosen, because the criterion of evaluation is its suitability for practical use. In this way, we stop to recognize that knowledge, par excellence scientific, first permeates with the colloquial understanding and explaining of the politics, and in the next step loses its unique character, rooted in metapolitical scientific research. Empirical effects, so in the case of political analysis, are brought to influence the recipient. Because of this science of politics is gaining a profile of gainful employment, whose achievements little fit into the postulated political reality. ; Modern knowledge about politics draws from a variety of resources for which the academic environment of political scientists is not at all a nonalternative issuer of information. Not only cognitive egalitarianism is postulated, but also more adequate knowledge is chosen, because the criterion of evaluation is its suitability for practical use. In this way, we stop to recognize that knowledge, par excellence scientific, first permeates with the colloquial understanding and explaining of the politics, and in the next step loses its unique character, rooted in metapolitical scientific research. Empirical effects, so in the case of political analysis, are brought to influence the recipient. Because of this science of politics is gaining a profile of gainful employment, whose achievements little fit into the postulated political reality.

Modern knowledge about politics draws from a variety of resources for which the academic environment of political scientists is not at all a nonalternative issuer of information. Not only cognitive egalitarianism is postulated, but also more adequate knowledge is chosen, because the criterion of evaluation is its suitability for practical use. In this way, we stop to recognize that knowledge, par excellence scientific, first permeates with the colloquial understanding and explaining of the politics, and in the next step loses its unique character, rooted in metapolitical scientific research. Empirical effects, so in the case of political analysis, are brought to influence the recipient. Because of this science of politics is gaining a profile of gainful employment, whose achievements little fit into the postulated political reality. ; Modern knowledge about politics draws from a variety of resources for which the academic environment of political scientists is not at all a nonalternative issuer of information. Not only cognitive egalitarianism is postulated, but also more adequate knowledge is chosen, because the criterion of evaluation is its suitability for practical use. In this way, we stop to recognize that knowledge, par excellence scientific, first permeates with the colloquial understanding and explaining of the politics, and in the next step loses its unique character, rooted in metapolitical scientific research. Empirical effects, so in the case of political analysis, are brought to influence the recipient. Because of this science of politics is gaining a profile of gainful employment, whose achievements little fit into the postulated political reality.

W artykule przedstawiono analizę pism teoretycznych oraz metodologicznych polskich badaczy humanistycznych i społecznych, odwołujących się w swoich badaniach do założeń metodologii marksistowskiej. Polskie tradycje teoretyczne w nauce z czasów PRL bywają zbiorczo oskarżane o indoktrynację, ponieważ zostały odrzucone po 1989 r. jako spuścizna ideologiczna poprzedniej epoki. Celem artykułu było wykazanie, że marksistowska teoria polityki oraz metodologia badań politologicznych stanowią wciąż interesujący i przydatny zasób wiedzy, ponieważ sama ideologizacja w niewielkim stopniu zmienia wartość tych subdyscyplin politologii.

Abstract
The purpose of this article is to look at selected positions devoted to issues of historical experience of the Jewish people for their research strategy and their corresponding or lack of dominant research paradigms. The basic intention is to indicate the path of political science to know the history of the nation, through limited exemplification as a response to the absolutization of the research results before they are published to be limited exclusively to the study of the Jews, as the people, especially experienced by the history, which enforces appropriate research approaches. If we reduce the judgment of contemporary phenomena and problems concerning the Jews to the stereotypical anti-Semitism, then any knowledge does not make much sense, because everything important is explained and closed in one cause. Something else is identifying antipathy as an act of anti-Semitism, and quite something else its formal manifestation. On the basis of science, you can examine any antipathy towards minorities alike, and if we assume a separate code for the Jews, then we forget that the function of science is discovering, not decreeing the result.

The traditionally ideological divisions allowed the old political entities (parties, social movements) to represent the right and left wing dichotomy. The simultaneous increase in the role of political liberalism has led to the replacement of the axes of economic, commercial, cultural and identity divisions with the concepts of normality and rationality (Zielonka 2018). Liberalism, in spite of the lack of literal and dominating party representation, has become the obligatory political code defining reality in terms of good and evil, leaving no option to choose an alternative beyond the position considered universal and desirable. Simultaneously, the monopoly of the legitimacy and moral superiority of the liberal political program was developed. Criticism from the opponents of that monopoly started to be known as populism. Artists mostly identified with the mainstream liberal views, as they offered them the opportunity to illustrate and educate the public. They also corresponded with their artistic sensitivity, openness to tolerance, the rule of law and democracy, as well as the independence and freedom of individuals. Since 2015 elections, the artistic milieus representing axiology similar or identical to Law and Justice / LaJ (Pol.: Prawo i Sprawiedliwość / PiS) have become strongly active. The party began to use the language representing the sensitivity of the people in contrast to the elites. Such populism was quickly treated as a position offering too quick solutions. The basic assumption shall be an attempt to verify the claim of the populism of art and artists standing against the authorities and supporting the LaJ power. The aim of the presentation shall be to overview the theoretical assumptions of this phenomenon in relation to art and its representatives, and to illustrate it with specific Polish examples from 2015 onwards.

The traditionally ideological divisions allowed the old political entities (parties, social movements) to represent the right and left wing dichotomy. The simultaneous increase in the role of political liberalism has led to the replacement of the axes of economic, commercial, cultural and identity divisions with the concepts of normality and rationality (Zielonka 2018). Liberalism, in spite of the lack of literal and dominating party representation, has become the obligatory political code defining reality in terms of good and evil, leaving no option to choose an alternative beyond the position considered universal and desirable. Simultaneously, the monopoly of the legitimacy and moral superiority of the liberal political program was developed. Criticism from the opponents of that monopoly started to be known as populism. Artists mostly identified with the mainstream liberal views, as they offered them the opportunity to illustrate and educate the public. They also corresponded with their artistic sensitivity, openness to tolerance, the rule of law and democracy, as well as the independence and freedom of individuals. Since 2015 elections, the artistic milieus representing axiology similar or identical to Law and Justice / LaJ (Pol.: Prawo i Sprawiedliwość / PiS) have become strongly active. The party began to use the language representing the sensitivity of the people in contrast to the elites. Such populism was quickly treated as a position offering too quick solutions. The basic assumption shall be an attempt to verify the claim of the populism of art and artists standing against the authorities and supporting the LaJ power. The aim of the presentation shall be to overview the theoretical assumptions of this phenomenon in relation to art and its representatives, and to illustrate it with specific Polish examples from 2015 onwards.