Suchergebnisse

THE TAIWANESE-CHINESE FACTOR IN FRANCE'S STRATEGY AND POLICY TOWARDS THE INDO-PACIFIC
The aim of this article is to provide a synthetic overview of France's involvement into the Indo-Pacific region, in the context of the protection of important national interests related to the possession of overseas territories. This article analyses impact of the French-Chinese bilateral cooperation on relations with Taiwan. The author points out that France has recognized the government of the PRC as the only representative of China since 1964 and does not maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan, emphasizing that this is a permanent position, initiated by General de Gaulle, and cooperation between Paris and Taipei is developed in accordance with the "one China policy." The second aspect of the analysis of France's policy and strategy towards the Indo-Pacific region was embedded in the broader framework of political, economic relations and military alliances with Asian countries as an element of promoting a multipolar order and stopping Chinese expansionism in the Indo-Pacific area and strengthening its own geopolitical position against the background of China's rivalry with United States.

The article is an attempt to explain the IAEA's critical role in ensuring global nuclear safety and on the global nuclear governance system. The objective of the Agency's operation is promotion of the peaceful use of nuclear energy, including the use of energy to produce electricity, along with establishment of a system of safeguards to ensure that the countries do not use the peaceful assistance for military purposes.The aim of the article is to present the principles of the internationalsystem of nuclear safeguards and the role of the IAEA in maintaining nuclear peace and nuclear challenges of non-proliferation regime reform. The duality of nuclear technology (dual use) causes the need of strengthening the competence-control and institutional resources of the IAEA. It is necessary to oblige the Member States to cooperate with the Agency's inspectors. The Agency should also develop a procedure to standardize the rules, structure, and legal restrictions. In addition the UN Security Council should react faster in the case of non-compliance detection. A separate issue is the internationalization of the fuel cycle.

The reform of the nuclear safeguards and verification of nuclear materials as a condition of nuclear safety in the 21 Century
The condition of maintaining nuclear safety in the twentieth century is to ensure a global system of nuclear materials safeguards. In practice, this means the need for a global system of verification of compliance with non‑proliferation requirements equipped with mechanisms of international control, accounting and physical protection of nuclear materials and facilities, as means of preventing the usage of nuclear dual‑use technology for non‑peaceful purposes (construction of nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices). The track record of non‑proliferation regime discovered the weakness of the nuclear safeguards and verification system, in particular, limits of the IAEA control functions. Maintaining the "Nuclear Peace" can be assured only by a global system of physical protection, accounting, and security of nuclear materials, which means the need to improve the internationally comprehensive system of verification of compliance with non‑proliferation. The aim of the article is to present the principles of the international system of nuclear safeguards and the role of the International Atomic Energy Agency in maintaining nuclear peace and nuclear challenges of non‑proliferation regime reform. The analysis leads, among others, to the conclusion that the Agency should develop a procedure to standardize the rules, structure, and terminology of reporting non‑compliance, promote the internationalization of the fuel cycle while the UN Security Council should react faster in the case of non‑compliance detection.

Participation of the European Parliament in the process of energy sector communitarization and providing assurance of Community energy security is enormous due to its position and its legitimacy in European institutions structure. European Parliament – through its participation in the development of energy acquis communautaire, under the ordinary legislative procedure – is a full‑fledged entity responsible for the shape of EU's legal order, and the views of MPs interact indirectly on EU law and policies final version. Using indirect legislative initiative, the European Parliament has become also an active creator providing the mandate of EC political initiatives. Consequently, the European Parliament has played an important role at the supranational level in the energy sector communitarization, often acting as a political forum facilitating building of compromises, necessary to deepen the EU's energy policy. It also actively participates in the development of EU energy and climate policy.

Nuclear power towards the challenges of climate change in the 21 Century
Climate change force to re‑evaluate the current model of the global energy system, based in majority on intensive use of fossil fuels. Reducing their share in the energy balance of the world economy and the promotion of low‑carbon technologies in practice favors low CO2 emission technologies. A special role in the transformation of energy from fossil fuels to the sources low emission energy sources can play a nuclear power – the most efficient energy source available nowadays. The article attempts to answer the question whether nuclear power is a source of "clean energy" and to what extent this technology has the opportunity to make an important contribution to a real reduction of world greenhouse gas emissions in the near future.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Relacje między Francją a Wielką Brytanią kształtuje odwieczna rywalizacja regionalna i aspiracje maksymalizacji wpływów międzynarodowych, ale także bliskość i powiązania gospodarczo-polityczne związane z tymi aspiracjami. Podstawą współpracy francusko-brytyjskiej jest podobna percepcja w kwestiach strategicznych. Oba państwa podobnie rozumieją wyzwania polityczne, gospodarcze, kulturalne i są ważnymi partnerami "skazanymi" na kooperację militarną. Brexit wywołał polityczny wstrząs wśród europejskich liderów, inicjując pragmatyczną refleksję nad przyszłością UE. W Paryżu decyzję o Brexicie określono jako z jednej strony bolesną (straty gospodarcze), z drugiej jako szansę na przekształcenie UE zgodnie z francuską wizją integracji (koniec brytyjskiego weta wobec przyspieszania integracji). Niewątpliwie Brexit wzmocni w UE oś Paryż–Berlin i przyspieszy ściślejszą współpracę gospodarczą i militarną. W praktyce jednak wyjście Wielkiej Brytanii z UE osłabi realny wymiar WPBiO i może stać się źródłem długoterminowego zróżnicowania "projektu europejskiego" w oparciu o różne prędkości integracji. ; Relations between France and Great Britain are formed by the eternal regional rivalry and aspirations to maximize international influence, but also the proximity and political – economic ties linked with those aspirations. The basis of Franco-British cooperation is similar perception of strategic issues. Both countries have the same understanding of the political, economic, cultural challenges and are important partners "doomed" on military cooperation. Brexit caused political shock among European leaders, initiating pragmatic reflection on the future of the EU . In Paris, the decision about Brexit was defined as painful the one hand (due to economic losses) and as an opportunity to transform the EU in line with the French vision of integration on the other (due to the end of the British veto towards acceleration of integration). Brexit undoubtedly will strengthen in the EU the Paris-Berlin axis will and accelerate closer economic and military cooperation. In practice, however, the output of Great Britain from the EU will weaken the real dimension of the CSDP and can become a source of long-term differentiation of the "European project" based on different speeds of integration.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Unia Europejska, jako promotor polityki klimatycznej mającej na uwadze ochronę środowiska, stawia państwom członkowskim coraz wyższe i ambitniejsze wymagania ekologiczno-energetyczne. Dla Polski oznacza to wyzwanie głębokiej transformacji sektora energetycznego, obejmującej konieczność redukcji emisji GHG w wytwórstwie energii. Artykuł przedstawia uwarunkowania i założenia polityki energetycznej Polski, w tym dylemat swobody wyboru źródeł energii w świetle oczekiwań polityki klimatycznej UE, opartej na paradygmacie dekarbonizacji. W praktyce prowadzi to do drastycznego ograniczenia ilości węgla w bilansie energetycznym państwa i de facto ogranicza wolność wyboru własnego miksu energetycznego. ; Polish energy policy is determined by: a relatively high rate of energy self-suffi ciency based on large own coal resources, dependence on imported fossil fuels, in particular natural gas from Russia, as well as German–Russian energy cooperation in the Baltic Sea and the rigorous European Union climate policy, taking into account high CO2 emissions in the electricity production. The article presents the conditions and assumptions of the Polish energy policy in the dilemma of freedom of choice of energy sources in the light of the of European Union climate policy expectations based on the decarbonisation paradigm. In practice, it leads to a drastic reduction in the amount of coal in the national energy balance and de facto limits the freedom to choose of country's own energy mix.

The article is an attempt to make an assessment of arguments for the development of civil nuclear power (non-carbon energy source) in the context of concerns on weakening the non-proliferation regime. The article analyzes dilemmas associated with the spread of civil nuclear power in the world and threats to international security (risk of utilization of dual-use technology for military purposes, trafficking of radioactive materials for the military or terrorists). Therefore, the key condition for the development of civil nuclear power is increasing the effectiveness of the NPT regime, including the acceptance of rigorous checks and inspections from IAEA officials by countries aspiring to join the nuclear program. ; The article is an attempt to make an assessment of arguments for the development of civil nuclear power (non-carbon energy source) in the context of concerns on weakening the non-proliferation regime. The article analyzes dilemmas associated with the spread of civil nuclear power in the world and threats to international security (risk of utilization of dual-use technology for military purposes, trafficking of radioactive materials for the military or terrorists). Therefore, the key condition for the development of civil nuclear power is increasing the effectiveness of the NPT regime, including the acceptance of rigorous checks and inspections from IAEA officials by countries aspiring to join the nuclear program.

requires a "renovation" in the face of increasing globalization and new security threats. The European Union and the United States, being the natural pillars of a multipolar world, are aware of need to revive the mutual relationship. France as a one of the traditional European powers strongly determines the shape of transatlantic cooperation. This article attempts to identify the French point of view on the transatlantic relationship. French interests and their perceptions in the security area are important and needs to be taken into account. So then, how France views transatlantic relations? What goals France wants to achieve in the context of transatlantic cooperation? Why France is not "easy" partner for the United States? The article focuses on the issue of economic cooperation liberalization in the light of the EU - the U.S. free trade agreement (under negotiation) and the political and military aspects of cooperation focused around the NATO and the "European Defense" concept.

The first Polish EU Presidency can be evaluated as moderately successful. The Presidency has contributed to deepen cooperation in the energy sector and was very successful from organizational and logistics perspective. Priorities in the energy sector included an ambitious catalog of measures, in particular within the external dimension of the EU energy policy. The Polish Presidency outlined long term objectives in the energy sector and initiated a deeper discussion of the completion of common energy market building. Progress and better coordination of Member States' energy policies will increase energy security of the EU. From the point of view of national interests, as a failure can be recognized adoption by the European Commission Energy Roadmap 2050 document at the end of the Polish presidency as well as not convincing the Commission to find a more flexible options for solving problem of reaching a low carbon economy with respect to circumstances of member countries, with a high degree of carbonization of their economies.

W grudniu 2011 r. minęła 20. rocznica rozpadu ZSRR. Na ile zmieniła się polityka i strategia energetyczna Rosji po 20 latach transformacji polityczno-gospodarczej? Jakie są nowe cele polityki energetycznej Rosji w drugiej dekadzie XXI w.? Szczególne miejsce w strategii surowcowej Rosji odgrywa od lat polityka utrzymywania kontroli sieci przesyłu surowców. Polityka ta obejmuje zarówno budowę nowych linii przesyłu, jak również uzyskanie kontroli nad systemem ropo- i gazociągów państw tranzytowych. Po dwóch dekadach Rosja przeorientowała swoją politykę surowcową wobec Wschodu. Równocześnie, dzięki zaangażowaniu dużych europejskich koncernów we wspólne nowe projekty, takie jak gazociąg Nord Stream czy South Stream, Rosja skutecznie utrzymuje kluczową pozycję dostawcy na europejskich rynkach energetycznych oraz kontrolę głównych szlaków eksportu gazu do UE. Taka polityka gwarantuje Rosji wpływ na bezpieczeństwo energetyczne całej UE. Rosja w odpowiedzi na nowe wyzwania podejmuje też działania mające na celu przeciwdziałanie rozwojowi niekonwencjonalnych technologii wydobycia gazu w Europie. ; December 2011 marked the 20th anniversary of the USSR collapse. To what extent has the Russian policy and energy strategy changed after 20 years of political and economic transition? What are the new energy policy objectives of Russia in the second decade of the twenty-first century? For years, a special place in Russia's raw materials strategy has been played by the policy to maintain control of transmission network resources. This policy covers both constructing of new transmission lines as well as gaining control of the petroleum and gas systems of transit countries. After two decades Russia reorientated its policy towards the East. At the same time, thanks to the involvement of large European corporations in new joint projects such as the Nord Stream or the South Stream gas pipelines, Russia effectively holds the position of the key energy supplier in the European market and controls main the gas export routes to the EU. Such a policy ensures Russia's influence on energy security across the EU. Russia, in response to new challenges, takes actions aimed at preventing the development of unconventional gas production technologies in Europe. ; В декабре 2011 г. миновала 20-я годовщина распада СССР. Насколько изменилась энергетическая политика и стратегия России после 20 лет политическо- экономической трансформации? Какими являются новые цели энергетической политики России во второй десятилетии XXI в.? На протяжении многих лет особенное место в сырьевой стратегии России играет политика контроля за транспортировкой энергоресурсов. Эта политика охватывает как сооружение новых средств доставки энергоресурсов, так и контролирование уже имеющихся систем нефте- и газопроводов в транзитных государствах. В последних двух десятилетиях Россия пытается переориентировать свои сырьевые потоки на Восток. Одновременно, благодаря вхождению больших европейских концернов в совместные новые проекты, напр. газопровод «Северный поток» (Nord Stream) или «Южный поток» (South Stream), Россия эффективно удерживает позицию главного поставщика энергоресурсов на европейский рынок и контролирует главные пути экспорта газа в ЕС. Такая политика гарантирует России влияние на энергетическую безопасность всего ЕС. Вместе с тем, в ответ на появляющиеся новые энергетические возможности, Россия старается противодействовать развитию нетрадиционных технологий добычи газа в Европе.

China In Africa – An Opportunity Or Neo-Colonialism In The Xxi Century? Selected Aspects Of The Chinese Presence On The ContinentChina's policy towards African countries undergone a significant transformation since the 50's of the XX century, and changed dramatically in the last decade, given the scale of the Middle Kingdom economic engagement on the continent. Africa is nowadays an important source of natural resources and huge market for Chinese products. The same time for non democratic regimes, China eases tensions in the Africa-USA and Africa-EU relations. Chinese aid and investments, are well recognized in Africa, as they are unconditionally realized. Although both parties derive commercial and political benefits from cooperation, Chinese policy is characterized by pragmatism and willingness to achieve their own objectives. If Chinese interests increasingly depend on local leaders' policy, will it be possible to maintain in future decades "non-interference" ability towards African's internal affairs? To which extend Chinese presence benefits in building of political, economic and social governance in Africa, and how far it is a scenario of taking advantage in a "neo-colonial" style?