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Under Stalin's Shadow -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- List of Abbreviations -- Introduction: A Global History of Greek Communism -- Part I: Interwar, 1918-39 -- 1. Becoming Balkan Bolsheviks -- 2. Balkan Communism and the National Question -- 3. Becoming Greek Stalinists -- Part II: World War II and the Early Cold War Years, 1939-56 -- 4. Greek Dilemmas -- 5. Balkan Decisions -- 6. The Displaced People's Republic -- Epilogue -- Notes -- Note on Sources -- Bibliography -- Index.

The involvement of the Soviet bloc in the Greek Civil War, especially the weapons and other aid provided by the Communist states to the Greek Communist Party (KKE), could not be studied in any serious way until very recently. Only a small number of historians addressed this question prior to the collapse of the Communist regimes in Europe and the opening of East European archives. The newly available documentary evidence shows that throughout the conflict the KKE acted in close cooperation with the Soviet bloc, particularly through permanent representatives who were responsible for coordinating the aid supplied to the KKE and ensuring maximal use of it. The Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) was completely dependent on weaponry, equipment, and training from the Soviet bloc. The insurgency in Greece would have been impossible without the external support of the Communist states.

The involvement of the Soviet bloc in the Greek Civil War, especially the weapons and other aid provided by the Communist states to the Greek Communist Party (KKE), could not be studied in any serious way until very recently. Only a small number of historians addressed this question prior to the collapse of the Communist regimes in Europe and the opening of East European archives. The newly available documentary evidence shows that throughout the conflict the KKE acted in close cooperation with the Soviet bloc, particularly through permanent representatives who were responsible for coordinating the aid supplied to the KKE and ensuring maximal use of it. The Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) was completely dependent on weaponry, equipment, and training from the Soviet bloc. The insurgency in Greece would have been impossible without the external support of the Communist states. Adapted from the source document.

Cet article a pour objectif de mettre en relation le clientélisme politique et l'exclusion sociale en analysant de quelle manière les biens demandés par le client, en échange de son vote ou de son soutien politique, caractérisent sa situation sociale et déterminent le type de la relation clientéliste. Les populations tsiganes en Grèce constituent le champ de recherche empirique de cette étude. Nous pouvons distinguer quatre types de relations entre les Tsiganes exclus et le système politique, relations qui expriment quatre niveaux d'exclusion sociale : l'absence de relation, la relation de la « récompense immédiate », la relation de la « protection attendue », et enfin, la relation de l'« intégration attendue ».

This article examines the relationship between ethnic identity & political behavior, focusing on a case study of a specific ethnic group, the Turkish-speaking Pontian Greeks, during the years 1920-2000. The Turkish-speaking Pontians were Orthodox Christians, coming from the Black Sea region, who arrived as refugees in Greece after the signature of the Treaty of Lausanne between Greece & Turkey in 1923. In the post-WWII period, Turkish-speaking Pontian Greeks identified themselves politically with parties of the Right. In the interwar years, however, their identity was based on a strong rejection of both royalism & the Right. This article investigates which factors contributed to this change. Previous studies have indicated the importance of the linguistic factor in shaping the political consciousness of these populations. This article attempts a different approach. 2 Tables, 2 Maps, 56 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines political clientelism through the lens of the Tsigane Gypsy community, drawing on research conducted in four areas of Greece. Demands made by the Gypsy community in exchange for political support & the social situation of the "client" are explored. Four types of relationships between Gypsies & the dominant political system are identified: the absence of a relationship, immediate reward, expected protection, & expected integration. Adapted from the source document.

This dataset provides individual data on political attitudes, including electoral turnout and voting preferences. The dataset also includes data on attitudes on a wide range of issues, evaluations of the economy and a range of survey experiments. Last, but not least it also includes data on media usage.


Data Collection is sponsored by the Operational Program "Education and Life-long Learning" (Action "Aristeia II"), co-funded by the European Union (European Social Fund) and by national funds.

The burden of this paper is to assert the significance of the 2011 movement of the Greek indignados for Greek politics during the Great Recession. Acknowledging the systematically feeble analysis of the nexus between non-institutional and electoral politics in social movement literature, the authors analyze the emergence, development, and heritage of the Greek indignados, focusing squarely on their impact on public opinion and the domestic party system, both at the level of interparty, as well as intraparty dynamics. The authors' conclusions are drawn mainly from an analysis of political party discourse, public opinion data, and interviews conducted on the field, catering equally for the supply and demand side of the novel political claims that surfaced during the first years of the Greek sovereign debt crisis. The authors point to the crucial contribution of the movement's discourse in facilitating voter defection from the traditional two-party system that ruled Greece for more than thirty years, and argue that the indignados functioned as a beacon of populist discursive tropes, which cemented the emergence of a new divide in Greek society between pro- and anti-bailout citizens. Conclusively, the authors take the position that the imprint of the indignados on the Greek psyche has had tremendous repercussions in consolidating a new party system, by undermining traditional political forces and legitimizing new, anti-establishment contenders.

In this article in the Notes on Recent Elections section, the 2004 parliamentary elections held in Greece are argued to mark the comeback of the New Democracy(ND) party as the governing party, although not as an ideological shift. A brief discussion of the election background traces the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) conflicts confrontation with the church, & the Achilles heal of the parties economic scandals. Analysis of the electoral campaigns indicates that PASOKs focus on the powerful leader image of Papandreou was vulnerable to the campaign for policy change by ND. The gains by ND are concluded to have been won by public dissatisfaction & weariness with PASOK, but do not indicate a change in ideology by the electorate. J. Harwell