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Growing interest in quantitative studies of social movements and protest cycles attests to the vigor of protest event analysis as a strategy for investigating the protopolitical processes of collective claimsmaking in democratic states and emerging democracies. Increasing investments in protest events research has also led to growing concern about sources of measurement error that stem from reliance on media data sources. Using Blalock's conception of auxiliary measurement models, this article traces two alternative treatments of measurement bias in the literature on events analysis. The two approaches, characterized here as "media theory" and "representational," differ in the degree to which they accept media data as an adequate representation of protest event reality. Recent work that attempts to establish empirically the relationship between media data and alternative data sources on protest events promises an empirical base for examining the assumption of stable media bias that underlies representational approaches. Finally, the conclusions suggest some weaknesses in the empirical base for theorizing from media-based event analyses.

Hubert M. Blalock's conception of auxiliary measurement models (1968) is used to trace two treatments of measurement bias in the literature on events analysis -- media theory & representational -- that differ in the degree to which they (1) accept media data as an adequate representation of protest event reality & (2) acknowledge media selection bias. Secondary data from recent empirical research is presented to compare the identification of measurement error in overlapping models of media protest coverage & to examine the assumption of stable media bias that underlies the representational approach. Conclusions reveal weaknesses in the empirical base for theorizing from media-based event analyses. 4 Figures, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

A gender gap of six to eight percentage points differentiated the vote of women from that of men throughout the presidential elections of the 1980s. Women's greater preference for Democratic candidates, coupled with an increased rate of voting relative to men, has increased women's influence on electoral politics for the first time since the suffrage period. Despite the fact that women's voting behavior does not correspond to many criteria of group politics, the large numbers of women voters are beginning to have an impact on the nature of campaign discourse and election issues. These changes were particularly apparent in the 1988 Republican campaign to win the undecided women voters.

Voting patterns in the presidential elections of the 1980s reveal a gender gap of 6-8 % points. Women's greater preference for Democratic candidates, coupled with their increased rate of voting relative to men, has increased women's influence on electoral politics. Despite the fact that women's voting behavior does not correspond to many criteria of group politics, the large numbers of women voters are beginning to have an impact on the nature of campaign discourse & election issues, as reflected in the 1988 Republican campaign to attract undecided women voters. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

An evaluation of claims by the "New Religious Right" to have created a mass constituency or new "moral majority." Evidence is examined for the development of a new consciousness over the 1970s that reflected the politicization of a growing moral opposition to three feminist issues: abortion, sexual preference, & women's liberation. Comparisons are drawn with attitudes toward eleven national spending priorities. The following findings are seen to run contrary to claims for a newly politicized "moral majority": (1) there is no conservative trend on the three feminist issues for 1972-1980; (2) factor analytic techniques reveal simple factor structure within but not between the three issues over the decade; (3) politicization of the issues is greater in 1974 than in 1977; & (4) differences between the religiously involved & others have existed since the beginning of the decade & show no evidence of increasing politicization during the 1970s. Data are taken from the General Social Surveys, 1972-1980. 6 Tables, 1 Figure, Appendix. AA.

Why the ever-increasing numbers of women elected to state & local office give such low priority to issues related to the status of women is addressed through a survey of the sociology & political science literature. It is suggested that an increasing minority of women elected officials are feminist in the broadest sense & will support feminist policies as their numbers increase. These women are characterized by a newly legitimated ambition but discriminated against by the political opportunity structure. The combination of ambition & thwarted opportunities considerably increases the probability of support for feminist policies. HA.