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This paper presents a new conception of "Arab nationalism," which conventionally means pan-Arab nationalism and defines an Arab as an Arabic speaker. Yet the term "Arabic" is elusive, as is the generic "Arabic speaker." Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), derived from the Koran, is the official language of Arab League states, but is nobody's mother tongue, or spoken language for that matter. Arabic vernaculars are deemed low status and are distinct from MSA. The division of "High" and "Low" languages between formal and informal spheres is called diglossia ("divided tongues"). This renders an ethnolinguistic situation in Arab states with unique social and political consequences. Arab-defined citizens are born into unique ethnolinguistic communities that are not state-supported, and are indoctrinated instead with a pan-Arab "national" identity shared by many states. I call this phenomenon Arab dinationalism.

The article of record as published may be found at http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512110379489 ; Language divides are common components of group conflict, a phenomenon reflected widely in theories of nationalism.This article evaluates measures developed by David Laitin and James Fearon in the minorities at risk dataset claiming to quantify language difference and concludes they are deeply flawed.The introduction outlines language divides vis-a-vis conflict.A theoretical analysis in the second section argues against rational choice analyses of language politics; in the third section a sociolinguistic matrix shows that these fractional measures represent language ancestry but nothing else (morphology, syntax, lexicon, orthography, status). Theoretical implications and alternative methods are considered in the fourth section followed by a summary conclusion.

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Chapter 1. Introduction -- Chapter 2. Muslim Nations -- Chapter 3. National Tongues -- Chapter 4. Modern Standard Arabs -- Chapter 5. Tongue Ties: The Kurds of Iraq -- Chapter 6. Natives of the "New Frontier": The Uyghurs of Xinjiang -- Chapter 7. Print Culture and Protest: The Sindhis of Pakistan -- Chapter 8. Speaking to the Nation: The Kashmiris of India -- Chapter 9. From Nationalism to Islamism? The Acehnese of Indonesia -- Chapter 10. Religious Community Versus Ethnic Diversity: The Moros of the Philippines -- Chapter 11. Nationalism, Language, and Islam -- NOTES -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Divided nations and challenges to statist and global theories of justice / Margaret Moore -- Forked tongues: the language politics of divided nations / Tristan James Mabry -- Kin-state activism in Hungary, Romania, and Russia: the politics of ethnic demography / Zsuzsa Csergo and James M. Goldgeier -- European integration and the Basque country in France and Spain / Zoe Bray and Michael Keating -- Albanians divided by borders: loyal to state or nation? / Alexandra Channer -- The Kurds and EU enlargement: in search of restraints on state power / David Romano -- European integration and postwar political relations between Croatia and the Bosnian Croats and Serbia and the Bosnian Serbs / Marsaili Fraser -- The divided Irish / Etain Tannam -- German and German minorities in Europe / Stefan Wolff -- Ties that no longer bind: Greece, Turkey, and the fading allure of ethnic kinship in Cyprus / Tozun Bahcheli and Sid Noel -- Conclusion: the exaggerated impact of European integration on the politics of divided nations / John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary

Language divides are common components of group conflict, a phenomenon reflected widely in theories of nationalism. This article evaluates measures developed by David Laitin and James Fearon in the minorities at risk dataset claiming to quantify language difference and concludes they are deeply flawed. The introduction outlines language divides vis-a-vis conflict. A theoretical analysis in the second section argues against rational choice analyses of language politics; in the third section a sociolinguistic matrix shows that these fractional measures represent language ancestry but nothing else (morphology, syntax, lexicon, orthography, status). Theoretical implications and alternative methods are considered in the fourth section followed by a summary conclusion.

In February, the Quadrennial Defense Review called on the Military Departments to prepare commissioned and noncommissioned officers "for the full range of complex missions that the future security environment will demand" by "building expertise in foreign language, regional, and cultural skills." With the assistance of outstanding colleagues at the Naval Postgraduate School (NPS), I'm doing just that! We're building the Joint Foreign Area Officer Skill Sustainment Pilot Program, JFSSPP for short, to provide resources and educational opportunities for the rapidly growing Foreign Area Officer (FAO) community. ; Joint Foreign Area Officer Skill Sustainment Pilot Program (JFSSPP) (School of International Graduate Studies (SIGS))