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AbstractWhile some studies on urban ethnic minorities in China indicate that they earn lower wages relative to the Han majority, others show little evidence of this gap. To understand this contradiction, the authors propose that the primary issue is a failure to fully disaggregate ethnic minority groups' labour market experiences. Leveraging a large data set looking at China's ethnic minorities, findings suggest that "outsider minorities", such as Tibetans and Turkic groups, suffer a significant wage penalty when controlling for covariates, while minorities in aggregate do not. These findings are robust across various specifications and have notable theoretical and policy implications.

ResumenSi bien algunos estudios observan que las minorías étnicas urbanas en China perciben salarios más bajos que la mayoría han, otros no constatan la existencia de esa brecha. Para resolver esta contradicción, los autores proponen desglosar las experiencias laborales por grupo étnico minoritario. El análisis de las minorías étnicas sobre un amplio conjunto de datos indica que las «minorías foráneas», como los tibetanos y los grupos túrquicos, sufren una penalización salarial significativa cuando se controlan las covariables, pero no ocurre lo mismo con la totalidad de las minorías. Estas conclusiones son robustas en varias especificaciones y tienen importantes implicaciones teóricas y en materia de políticas.

RésuméDans la littérature existante, les conclusions sur l'effet de l'appartenance à une minorité ethnique sur le salaire en Chine urbaine sont contrastées. Pour en savoir plus, les auteurs décident d'examiner la situation en tenant compte plus précisément du groupe d'appartenance, exploitant pour ce faire une volumineuse série de données sur les minorités chinoises. Après contrôle de l'effet de différentes variables, ils font apparaître une pénalité salariale importante aux dépens de groupes «en marge» (tibétains et turciques notamment), mais pas par rapport aux minorités considérées dans leur ensemble. Les résultats, robustes à différentes spécifications, sont riches d'enseignements sur le plan théorique comme pour l'action publique.

AbstractSports victory constitutes an important part of propaganda in authoritarian states. The heavy state investment in sports industries and sports culture in China illustrates the political importance of sports. However, few studies have systematically examined the exact impact of sports propaganda on public opinion. Using a survey experiment conducted in two Chinese cities, this article finds that broadcast highlighting national sports achievements has significant positive effects on general satisfaction and compliance with the local governments. These results expand on the small, but growing, literature on the effects of sports on political opinions and help detail the specific ways in which sports can affect political attitudes.

Drawing on original survey data and rich qualitative sources, this book explores how authoritarian regimes employ the Internet in advantageous ways to direct the flow of online information. The authors argue that the central Chinese government successfully directs citizen dissent toward local government through critical information that the central government places online - a strategy that the authors call 'directed digital dissidence'. In this context, citizens engage in low-level protest toward the local government, and thereby feel empowered, while the central government avoids overthrow. With an in-depth look at the COVID-19 and Xinjiang Cotton cases, the authors demonstrate how the Chinese state employs directed digital dissidence and discuss the impact and limitations of China's information strategy.