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"Propaganda in the Information Age is a collaborative volume which updates Herman and Chomsky's propaganda model for the 21st century media landscape and makes the case for the continuing relevance of their original ideas. It includes an exclusive interview with Noam Chomsky himself. 2018 marks 30 years since the publication of Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky's ground-breaking book Manufacturing Consent, which lifted the veil over how the mass media operate. The book's model presented five filters which all potentially newsworthy events must pass through before they reach our TV screens, smartphones or newspapers. In Propaganda in the Information Age, many of the world's leading media scholars, analysts and journalists use this model to explore the modern media world, covering some of the most pressing contemporary topics such as fake news, Cambridge Analytica, the Syrian Civil War and RussiaGate. The collection also acknowledges that in an increasingly globalized world, our media is increasingly globalized as well, with chapters exploring both Indian and African media. For students of Media Studies, Journalism, Communication and Sociology, Propaganda in the Information Age offers a fascinating introduction to the propaganda model and how it can be applied to our understanding not only of how media functions in corporate America, but across the world in the 21st Century"--

"Since the election of President Hugo Chavez in 1998, Venezuela has become an important news item. Western coverage is shaped by the cultural milieu of its journalists, with news written from New York or London by non-specialists or by those staying inside wealthy guarded enclaves in an intensely segregated Caracas. Journalists mainly work with English-speaking elites and have little contact with the poor majority. Therefore, they reproduce ideas largely attuned to a Western, neoliberal understanding of Venezuela. Through extensive analysis of media coverage from Chavez's election to the present day, as well as detailed interviews with journalists and academics covering the country, Bad News from Venezuela highlights the factors contributing to reportage in Venezuela and why those factors exist in the first place. From this examination of a single Latin American country, the book furthers the discussion of contemporary media in the West, and how, with the rise of 'fake news', their operations have a significant impact on the wider representation of global affairs. Including introductions to each chapter and a summary of all the viewpoints on the matter, Bad News from Venezuela is comprehensive and enlightening for undergraduate students and research academics in media and Latin American studies. "--Provided by publisher.

Since the election of Hugo Chavez in 1998, Venezuela has undergone a period of intense racial and class conflict, as a multiethnic subaltern coalition has begun to assert itself politically against a previously hegemonic and inordinately dominant white elite. Scholars have highlighted the local media's racial and class snobbery when covering social movements and civil society, attempting to split the country into two groups: 'underclass mobs' and 'respectable' civil society. This article, which analyses media coverage at crucial points of conflict – 1998/9, 2002, 2013 and 2014 – finds that western media have overwhelmingly matched the local media, portraying only the largely dark-skinned working-class chavista groups as vicious 'mobs', 'hordes' and 'thugs', while representing the white, upper-class opposition as 'civil society'.

This article explores how seven leading western newspapers covered the topic of polarisation in Venezuelan society during the Chávez era. It found that the media largely ignored the debate as to whether Hugo Chávez was the catalyst or consequence of polarisation. It virtually unanimously presented him as a divisive, polarising character destroying democracy, contrary to the lived experiences of many Venezuelans, while ignoring other possible explanations for the polarisation. It also found that there was a strong similarity in how the liberal and conservative, British and American press covered the issue, with virtually no differences in explanations or outlook, thus manufacturing consent for the elite view of the issue.

Since the election of Hugo Chavez in 1998 the United States has played a highly questionable role interfering in Venezuelan politics, funding, training, and supporting attempts at coups to remove democratically elected presidents. Yet the American media (The New York Times, Washington Post, and Miami Herald) have presented the US overwhelmingly positively, portraying it as a force for democracy and stability in the region, contrary to the wealth of official evidence. This content and discourse analysis focuses on the coverage of four key events in recent Venezuelan history and concludes that the concept of "democracy" in the media is automatically applied to official US policy, whatever it happens to be. Thus, the official American ideology of its fundamental benevolence and exceptionalism is not disputed, even when reality clearly challenges this concept.

This article assesses Western news media coverage of Venezuela between 1998 and 2014. It found that the major newspapers in the UK and US reproduce the ideology of Western governments, ignoring strong empirical evidence challenging those positions. The press portrayed Venezuela in an overwhelmingly negative light, presenting highly contested minority opinions as facts while barely mentioning competing arguments, as Herman and Chomsky's (2002) propaganda model would predict. After conducting interviews, it is clear that a small cadre of pre-selected journalists is immersed into a highly antagonistic newsroom culture that sees itself as the "resistance" to the Venezuelan government and its purpose to defeat it. As a result, hegemony of thought reigns and some journalists report self-censorship.

International audience Herman and Chomsky laid out their propaganda model of how foreign countries are presented in the news directly relates to their closeness with Washington. Criticisms of the model declare it overly deterministic and lacking in evidence for the everyday functions of journalism. This article assesses Western media coverage of the Colombian and Venezuelan elections of 2018, finding that the propaganda model continues to hold. Furthermore, by conducting a series of 27 interviews with journalists covering the two countries, it finds evidence to support Herman and Chomsky"s theories about the pre-selection of journalists and how ownership and management, sources and flak influence the output of media.

AbstractA major problem facing the Seychelles islands is the decline in the quality and the value of marine protected areas (MPAs). Economic valuation can help guide policy makers to understand the value of marine resources and the cost of neglecting MPAs by expressing the value of their goods and services in monetary terms. This paper presents an analysis of the economic value of a group of marine parks in Seychelles. The travel cost method is used to establish willingness-to-pay of international tourists for trips to marine parks in Seychelles from their observed behaviour. The average per-trip consumer surplus is approximately €128 for single-site visitors and €65 for multiple-site visitors. The total social welfare value attributable to the recreational opportunity in marine parks is approximately €3.7 million annually. These results provide policy makers with a strong justification for government investment needed to maintain marine sites in Seychelles.

In the frame of a project funded by the European Food Safety Authority (Prima Phacie), effort was put into identifying and testing qualitative plant-pest risk assessment schemes for their suitability in supporting risk management decisions for the European Union. Five schemes were tested, two largely based on the EPPO scheme and three adapted from schemes used in non-European countries. We report the results from the application of these schemes as applied to Xanthomonas citri strains causing Citrus Bacterial Canker, in regard to the risk of its entry, establishment and spread, as well as its potential impact. For this pathogen, three entry pathways into the EU risk assessment area were considered: a) import of fresh citrus fruits, b) import of ornamental rutaceous plants or plant parts, and c) illegal entry of plant propagative material. With the current EU measures in place, of the five schemes tested, two indicated path (c) as that of the highest risk, whereas the other three suggested path (a) as such. This discrepancy is due to the different level of details the components of the risk of entry are considered in each scheme. Most schemes suggested that the establishment potential lay around the mid-range of possible values. All schemes indicated a high rate for potential spread (primarily through human activities) and a medium to high rate for impact potential. The effectiveness of risk management measures was evaluated by comparing results of assessments with and without management measures in place. (Texte integral)

Utility functions in the form of tables or matrices have often been used to combine discretely rated decision‐making criteria. Matrix elements are usually specified individually, so no one rule or principle can be easily stated for the utility function as a whole. A series of five matrices are presented that aggregate criteria two at a time using simple rules that express a varying degree of constraint of the lower rating over the higher. A further nine possible matrices were obtained by using a different rule either side of the main axis of the matrix to describe situations where the criteria have a differential influence on the outcome. Uncertainties in the criteria are represented by three alternative frequency distributions from which the assessors select the most appropriate. The output of the utility function is a distribution of rating frequencies that is dependent on the distributions of the input criteria. In pest risk analysis (PRA), seven of these utility functions were required to mimic the logic by which assessors for the European and Mediterranean Plant Protection Organization arrive at an overall rating of pest risk. The framework enables the development of PRAs that are consistent and easy to understand, criticize, compare, and change. When tested in workshops, PRA practitioners thought that the approach accorded with both the logic and the level of resolution that they used in the risk assessments.

Plant diseases threaten both food security and the botanical diversity of natural ecosystems. Substantial research effort is focused on pathogen detection and control, with detailed risk management available for many plant diseases. Risk can be assessed using analytical techniques that account for disease pressure both spatially and temporally. We suggest that such technical assessments of disease risk may not provide an adequate guide to the strategies undertaken by growers and government to manage plant disease. Instead, risk-management strategies need to account more fully for intuitive and normative responses that act to balance conflicting interests between stakeholder organizations concerned with plant diseases within the managed and natural environments. Modes of effective engagement between policy makers and stakeholders are explored in the paper, together with an assessment of such engagement in two case studies of contemporary non-indigenous diseases in one food and in one non-food sector. Finally, a model is proposed for greater integration of stakeholders in policy decisions.