Suchergebnisse

This field study investigates the intricate relationship between Friday sermon (khutba) and the worshippers' public opinion in Jordan. Prompted by the taboo label assigned to scholarship on khutba, it probes whether the agenda-setting, framing and priming process in mass communication (the media) applies to public communication (the mosque). Field observations (six months with three Informants) crosscut with conclusions drawn from in-depth interviews with concerned actors, thematic content analysis of 24 different khutbas in Amman and Zarqa, analysis of relevant coverage in the print and online media, and a questionnaire to 200 mosque-goers. The period covered is 2008 till 2013, crosscutting the Arab Spring and its ensuing political change. The hypothesis is that in a marketplace for loyalties, the preacher can impact his worshippers' perception of reality in as much as he can circumvent State regulations and meet his audience's expectations by setting their agenda re khutba theme and its attributes. ; Este estudio de campo investiga la intrincada relación entre el sermón del viernes (khutba) y la opinión pública de los fieles en Jordania. Impulsada por la etiqueta tabú asignada a becas en khutba, se verifica si el establecimiento de la agenda, la elaboración y el proceso de cebado en la comunicación de masas (los medios) se aplica a la comunicación pública (la mezquita). Las observaciones de campo (seis meses con tres informantes) de corte transversal con las conclusiones extraídas de las entrevistas en profundidad con los actores interesados, análisis de contenido temático de 24 khutbas diferentes en Amman y Zarqa, el análisis de la cobertura pertinente en los medios impresos y en línea, y un cuestionario a 200 mezquita de los asistentes. El período cubierto es de 2008 al 2013, cortes transversales de la primavera árabe y su cambio político posterior. La hipótesis es que en un mercado de lealtades, el predicador puede afectar la percepción de la realidad de sus adoradores en todo lo que puede evadir las regulaciones estatales y cumplir con las expectativas de su audiencia mediante el establecimiento de su agenda el tema de re khutba y sus atributos. ; Aquest estudi de camp investiga la intricada relació entre el sermó de divendres (khutba) i l'opinió pública dels fidels a Jordània. Impulsada per l'etiqueta tabú assignada a beques en khutba, es verifica si l'establiment de l'agenda, l'elaboració i el procés d'encebament en la comunicació de masses (els mitjans) s'aplica a la comunicació pública (la mesquita). Les observacions de camp (sis mesos amb tres informants) de tall transversal amb les conclusions extretes de les entrevistes en profunditat amb els actors interessats, anàlisi de contingut temàtic de 24 khutbas diferents a Amman i Zarqa, l'anàlisi de la cobertura pertinent en els mitjans impresos i en línia, i un qüestionari a 200 mesquita dels assistents. El període cobert és del 2008 al 2013, talls transversals de la primavera àrab i el seu canvi polític posterior. La hipòtesi és que en un mercat de lleialtats, el predicador pot afectar la percepció de la realitat de les seves adoradors en tot el que pot evadir les regulacions estatals i complir amb les expectatives de la seva audiència mitjançant l'establiment de la seva agenda el tema de re khutba i els seus atributs.

This field study investigates the intricate relationship between Friday sermon (khutba) and the worshippers' public opinion in Jordan. Prompted by the taboo label assigned to scholarship on khutba, it probes whether the agenda-setting, framing and priming process in mass communication (the media) applies to public communication (the mosque). Field observations (six months with three Informants) crosscut with conclusions drawn from in-depth interviews with concerned actors, thematic content analysis of 24 different khutbas in Amman and Zarqa, analysis of relevant coverage in the print and online media, and a questionnaire to 200 mosque-goers. The period covered is 2008 till 2013, crosscutting the Arab Spring and its ensuing political change. The hypothesis is that in a marketplace for loyalties, the preacher can impact his worshippers' perception of reality in as much as he can circumvent State regulations and meet his audience's expectations by setting their agenda re khutba theme and its attributes. ; Este estudio de campo investiga la intrincada relación entre el sermón del viernes (khutba) y la opinión pública de los fieles en Jordania. Impulsada por la etiqueta tabú asignada a becas en khutba, se verifica si el establecimiento de la agenda, la elaboración y el proceso de cebado en la comunicación de masas (los medios) se aplica a la comunicación pública (la mezquita). Las observaciones de campo (seis meses con tres informantes) de corte transversal con las conclusiones extraídas de las entrevistas en profundidad con los actores interesados, análisis de contenido temático de 24 khutbas diferentes en Amman y Zarqa, el análisis de la cobertura pertinente en los medios impresos y en línea, y un cuestionario a 200 mezquita de los asistentes. El período cubierto es de 2008 al 2013, cortes transversales de la primavera árabe y su cambio político posterior. La hipótesis es que en un mercado de lealtades, el predicador puede afectar la percepción de la realidad de sus adoradores en todo lo que puede evadir las ...

Holding the news media accountable has traditionally been a task of the state in Jordan. Media laws and regulations are numerous and do not leave too much space for self-regulatory practices on a national basis. The Jordan Press Association (JPA) is the core of so-called established media accountability institutions. It conducted a law-like code of ethics in 2003 and runs ombuds committees (currently three) dealing with mishaps of the media to prevent journalists from legal liability. Though being a professional body, many journalists perceive the JPA as an extended arm of the government. Until 2010 the association was not prepared to deal with private broadcasting and online journalists in the same way as it does with press and state owned media journalists. Most media outlets in Jordan are characterised by a lack of accountability awareness and practices especially when it comes to actor and production transparency. Only recently have some news organisations (mainly net-native) become aware of their duty to be accountable towards their audiences. New comers to the field of online news, in particular, have experimented with citizens' involvement and have established a high level of responsiveness in their newsrooms. Online versions of the traditional news media have not yet caught up with this development but will be most probably forced to do so for economic reasons. Apart from economic strategies to better involve audiences, another driving force for media accountability practices in Jordan is the lack of media legitimacy mainly rooted in distrusting the media's independence from the state. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) point towards contempt of press freedom (e.g. Center for Defending Freedom of Journalists), lack of citizen concerned topics (e.g. AmmanNet, 7iber.com) and professional behaviour (e.g. Eye on the Media), or try to deepen the knowledge about the functioning of media (e.g.sahafi.jo). Blogs and social media play only a minor role because media criticism mainly gets louder when wellharboured taboos are tackled. Yet, blogs and social media might become the place to initiate discussion or to negotiate professional rules in the future of a fast changing media field.

Media Accountability in Syria is more a question of re-defining the role of media in society than working on transparency practices or establishing self-regulation. This is due to strong state control and the mobilisation role mass media has been playing in Syria for decades. Before opening its media market for private publications in 2001 Syrian media was controlled either by the state or the ruling Baath party. Media accountability institutions like press councils or ombudspersons were simply not necessary in this concept of media and therefore do not exist. The only professional organisation, the Syrian Journalists Syndicate, did not act as a representative of independent journalists but as a representative of the regime. Additionally, as all journalists and media outlets had to work for more or less the same purpose, norms for guiding individual or organisational decisions – such as a code of ethics – were superfluous. Although these conditions still persist in major parts of the media field, news websites In addition, news websites have added new topics to the traditional news agenda by taking the audience into account, and thus have contributed to holding the media accountable for aspects the old media does not cover. Thus, at least in some cases, media has played the role of being a watchdog over political decisions, which role media has never previously adopted. have particularly contributed to a shift in society's perception of the role of media by paving the way for media accountability practices in the field of responsiveness. Even though instruments for responsiveness might be part of an economic strategy of news websites to enter and survive the news media field, news websites have introduced an audience oriented journalism approach by providing collaborative story writing or possibilities for the audience to comment on news. This is a fundamental change in role perception as mobilising media was merely meant to serve the Baath elite and its ideas. Thus, the audience as a neglected actor of accountability seems to have entered the field. Yet, media accountability as a strategy to become independent from the regime is not thinkable at the moment. Other than one non-governmental organization (NGO), neither institutions nor individuals point systematically to press freedom violations or occurrences hindering independent media. Discussions have not taken place either on issues such as the establishment of an independent press council or ombudspersons. At the moment, the state still restricts the development of a diverse field of media accountability, but is slightly losing control.

Lebanon's media has been envied for its press freedom and high quality by many Arabs from the region for decades. After 15 years of civil war the media had quickly started to flourish again. Yet, internal and external observers have been concerned about the close links between the media and political and religious groups that have led to highly politicized journalism. There is no professional organisation that could unify journalists from the various fractions and set in force binding rules like a code of ethics. A media council does not exist, journalists unions are not involved in media accountability practices and a state's ombudsman has never been instituted. Yet, internal accountability practices are relatively well developed. As political affiliation of media outlets is openly handled (e.g. staff is mainly recruited from each media's particular political group, party emblems are published prominently, mission statements and ownership information are partly available), Lebanese normally know how to interpret the news. Accountability practices that were already in evidence in offline media have been adopted by the majority of websites, such as by-lines, precise references in stories and letters-to-the-editor. Internet specific practices have only been partly adopted. While allowing comments on each article is available on half of the analysed websites, practices strongly integrating the audience in production processes like collaborative story writing can only be found on one TV website. Pure Internet practices like media accountability (MA) Facebook groups or watchblogs do not exist in Lebanon and if users of Facebook and Twitter or bloggers do appear, they seem to follow the same sectarian lines as Lebanon's society and media audiences. The only Internet practice solely dedicated to watching the entire media field and its independence is the relatively new website of SKeyes. Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) play the most important role in initiating discussion about media accountability and in building MA capacities by focusing on media literacy. Here again, the Internet is not a pre-requisite but a tool for supporting or easing their activities.