Suchergebnisse

This volume deals with expulsion from and suspension of membership rights in international organisations. This is an area of the law of international organisations which has attracted limited attention by academic writers. The book examines some 35 different international organisations by analysing the relevant provisions in their constitutive instruments and, where available, discussing the practice. Additionally, it describes in considerable detail the practice of rejecting delegations' credentials as a means of excluding Member States from participation. Moreover, it suggests solutions for those international organisations lacking expulsion and/or suspension clauses by applying the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and the theory of countermeasures in international law, especially as codified by the International Law Commission. Finally, the book offers a model expulsion and suspension clause to be incorporated in existing or future international organisations

In September 2014, the Member States of the League of Arab States approved the Statute of the Arab Court of Human Rights finalising a 20-year process to put in place a human rights protection mechanism which resembles mechanisms operating in other regions. This article examines the defunct Arab Charter on Human Rights of 1994, the revised Human Rights Charter of 2004 as well as the mandate and the activities of the Arab Human Rights Committee. It then explains the drafting of the Court's Statute, analyses the salient features of its Statute, which was concluded independently of the 2004 Charter, and makes pertinent comparisons with the European, Inter-American and African regional mechanisms.

Notwithstanding that during the last decades NGOs have been very active, their number has ever been on the rise and their influence has increased considerably, the Greek legal order still lacks a legislative framework regulating their establishment and operation. On account of this reality, NGOs have been using the legal personality of other types of entities to perform their goals and mission, for example non-profit companies, associations of natural persons, charitable organizations, etc. Even though these other legal types satisfy to a larger of smaller degree the needs of contemporary NGOs, it is essential to put in place a regulatory framework, which would allow at the same time the troublesome establishment of all types of NGOs and consolidate their legal personality, would permit the State to supervise their creation and thereafter to control their activities (but without interfering in either case) and would devise a system for NGO accountability. The present article argues that the Greek legislator should be inspired by the important and pioneering work which has been carried out by the Council of Europe. While this intergovernmental organisation is far more known for the protection of fundamental freedom (and indeed the freedom to establish NGOs should be viewed as a right protected under the European Human Rights Convention), its work on the regulation of NGOs deserves to be studied in far more detail, principally its 2007 Recommendation on the Legal Status of NGOs in Europe. The latter does serve as a regulatory text addressing at the same time local NGOs but also foreign NGOs active in one or more of the 47 Member States of the Council of Europe.

Abstract
The article questions whether the Tribunal of the Southern Africa Development Community (sadc) ought to have entertained human rights cases given that the sadc Treaty does not endow it with such jurisdiction. It then analyses its demise in 2010, which was prompted by several rulings against Zimbabwe, whose policy of expropriating land without compensation was held to violate human rights. The pertinent aspects of these cases are reviewed, and the significance of Zimbabwe's land reform programme is explained. The article elucidates why sadc leaders were prepared to suspend the Tribunal's operation. This was a combination of alarm that it could evolve into a quasi-regional human rights court but also solidarity with the then President Mugabe, a hero of Africa's liberation struggle. Finally, the pronouncements of the Constitutional Court of South Africa and the High Court of Tanzania on the lawfulness of the sadc Tribunal's suspension are considered.

The adoption of the asean Human Rights Declaration in November 2012 marks the latest addition in the armoury of regional human rights protection. Even though it does not create a treaty based regime, it does incorporate all three 'generations' of human rights. The purpose of the present article is to examine the salient features of the Declaration not only by taking a comparative approach vis-à-vis the other regional systems but also by referring to the International Bill of Rights. The article also covers the asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights inaugurated in October 2009 and suggests ways to augment the Declaration's effectiveness through the work of the Commission.

This article examines the International Criminal Court's (ICC) role in relation to international crimes allegedly committed in Africa; it considers the difficulties and obstacles that the ICC has encountered in securing the co-operation of not only States Parties but also of non-States Parties which, in certain instances, are mandated to assist it; and it analyses the acrimonious relationship that has arisen between the African Union (AU), the Continent's political and security organisation, and the ICC. Thus far, the two most significant sources of antagonism between the ICC and Africa have been the arrest warrants against President al-Bashir of Sudan in relation to the situation in Darfur, and the crimes against humanity allegedly perpetrated during Kenya's post-election violence in 2007–2008. Finally, the article examines the continuing attempts by African States to amend Article 16 of the Rome Statute.

In March 2001 the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), meeting in extraordinary session in Sirte, Libya declared the establishment of a new pan-African body, the African Union (Union).1The Constitutive Act (Act) of the Union entered into force on 26 May 20012and in due course this new institution will replace the OAU.3The Union, the brainchild of Libyan President Qaddafi, and modeled on the European Union, is the culmination of the OAU's piecemeal process of political cooperation and economic integration. It is designed to provide Africa with the legal and institutional framework to confront the twin challenges of the post-Cold War age and globalisation.