Más allá de la confianza política: El rol de las competencias profesionales en la permanencia interpresidencial de los superintendentes en Chile (1990-2014)
In: Reforma y democracia, Heft 67, S. 163-196
ISSN: 1315-2378
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In: Reforma y democracia, Heft 67, S. 163-196
ISSN: 1315-2378
World Affairs Online
In: Revista de Estudios Políticos, Heft 169, S. 109-136
ISSN: 1989-0613
Do markets operate independently of political power? This comparative study of policies in six markets created during the 1980s in Chile analyzes the fundamental part that public policies play in the construction of markets. To account for the diversity of these operations, I develop an original conceptual framework, defining four "varieties of neoliberalism." Building on a study of the history of this concept and its contemporary use, I distinguish orthodox, regulated, emulator and mixed neoliberalisms. Each neoliberalism is based on a different form of State answer to address market failures. In orthodox neoliberalism, public agencies restrict their intervention. In regulated neoliberalism, public agencies get involved in promoting competition and establish requirements on the product itself. In emulating neoliberalism, public agencies organize competition not in the market, but for the market. Finally, in mixed neoliberalism, one or more public companies compete with private players. Each variety is characterized by specific public policies, especially in terms of instruments. I apply this theoretical framework of varieties of neoliberalism to classify and analyze six sectoral policies: health insurance, pensions, universities, electricity production, telephone industry and public transport in Santiago. The six sectoral trajectories established highlight the existence of a Chilean neoliberal path. ; Les marchés fonctionnent-ils indépendamment du pouvoir politique ? Cette étude comparée des politiques publiques dans six marchés créés durant les années 1980 au Chili analyse le rôle fondamental qu'ont les politiques publiques dans la construction des marchés. Pour rendre compte de la diversité de ces opérations, j'élabore un cadre conceptuel original, en définissant quatre « variétés du néolibéralisme ». A partir d'une étude de l'histoire de ce concept et de ses usages contemporains, je distingue les néolibéralismes orthodoxes, régulés, émulateurs et mixtes. Chaque néolibéralisme correspond à des réponses ...
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In: Revista de ciencia política, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 393-396
ISSN: 0716-1417
Do markets operate independently of political power? This comparative study of policies in six markets created during the 1980s in Chile analyzes the fundamental part that public policies play in the construction of markets. To account for the diversity of these operations, I develop an original conceptual framework, defining four "varieties of neoliberalism." Building on a study of the history of this concept and its contemporary use, I distinguish orthodox, regulated, emulator and mixed neoliberalisms. Each neoliberalism is based on a different form of State answer to address market failures. In orthodox neoliberalism, public agencies restrict their intervention. In regulated neoliberalism, public agencies get involved in promoting competition and establish requirements on the product itself. In emulating neoliberalism, public agencies organize competition not in the market, but for the market. Finally, in mixed neoliberalism, one or more public companies compete with private players. Each variety is characterized by specific public policies, especially in terms of instruments. I apply this theoretical framework of varieties of neoliberalism to classify and analyze six sectoral policies: health insurance, pensions, universities, electricity production, telephone industry and public transport in Santiago. The six sectoral trajectories established highlight the existence of a Chilean neoliberal path. ; Les marchés fonctionnent-ils indépendamment du pouvoir politique ? Cette étude comparée des politiques publiques dans six marchés créés durant les années 1980 au Chili analyse le rôle fondamental qu'ont les politiques publiques dans la construction des marchés. Pour rendre compte de la diversité de ces opérations, j'élabore un cadre conceptuel original, en définissant quatre « variétés du néolibéralisme ». A partir d'une étude de l'histoire de ce concept et de ses usages contemporains, je distingue les néolibéralismes orthodoxes, régulés, émulateurs et mixtes. Chaque néolibéralisme correspond à des réponses différentes de l'Etat face aux défaillances du marché. Dans le néolibéralisme orthodoxe, les organismes publics restreignent leur intervention. Dans le néolibéralisme régulé, les organismes publics interviennent pour promouvoir la concurrence et établir des obligations quant au produit lui-même. Dans le néolibéralisme émulateur, un organisme public organise la concurrence non pas dans le marché, mais pour le marché. Enfin, dans le néolibéralisme mixte, une ou des entreprises publiques entrent en concurrence avec les acteurs privés. Chaque variété fait l'objet de politiques publiques spécifiques, en particulier en termes d'instruments mobilisés. J'applique ce cadre théorique des variétés du néolibéralisme pour classer et analyser six politiques sectorielles : l'assurance-maladie, les retraites, les universités, la production d'électricité, la téléphonie et les transports publics à Santiago. Les six trajectoires sectorielles établies mettent en évidence l'existence d'un sentier néolibéral chilien.
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In: Revista de ciencia política, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 393-396
ISSN: 0718-090X
In: Revista de ciencia política, Band 32, Heft 3, S. 687-701
ISSN: 0718-090X
In: Revue internationale de politique comparée volume 28, no 3-4 (2021)
In: Bulletin of Latin American research: the journal of the Society for Latin American Studies (SLAS), Band 40, Heft 4, S. 534-548
ISSN: 1470-9856
Since the radical neoliberal reforms to Chilean higher education of the 1980s, the creation of a quality regulatory system has been gradual and unfinished. It was only in 2006 that a law created the National Commission for Accreditation and two instruments: programmes and institutions accreditation. This article analyses the design and implementation of the latter policy instrument using mixed methods, including in‐depth interviews with key actors. Our findings show that, although regulations have introduced quality assurance as a key element in higher education policy, the link established between accreditation and financing has generated incentives that dangerously weaken these quality mechanisms.
The literature on social movements' policy outcomes agrees on the need for an intertemporal perspective that goes beyond a short-term action-reaction logic to account for the effects of mobilization on policies. However, little attention has been given to the causal mechanisms that link different waves of mobilization with related policy outcomes over time. To do so, we propose the concept of chaining mechanisms as a means to connect different iterations of protest, electoral cycles and policy responses within a mid-term perspective. We distinguish between two types of chaining mechanisms, strategic and inertial, and apply this conceptual framework to the Chilean student movement in the 2006 and 2018 period. We assert that its success in chaining different waves of protest is a crucial factor in accounting for the recent major education reform that took place under Bachelet's government (2014-2018). Beyond the case, the concept contributes to the understanding of the complex interactions between social mobilization and public policy.
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In: IdeAs: Idées d'Amériques, Heft 15
ISSN: 1950-5701
In: IdeAs: Idées d'Amériques, Heft 15
ISSN: 1950-5701
Full understanding of regulatory processes requires taking into account their political dimension, until now rarely considered in public administration literature. The concept of 'business power' developed in comparative political economy contributes to comprehend this dimension. The case study of the transport system "Transantiago" presented in this article demonstrates that businesses' structural power is of special interest. The process tracing applied to the case of Transantiago, shows that the inability of the authorities to impose their preferences is mainly due to the structural constraints they faced. The effects of this inability are observed in the bidding process and in the phase of implementation of the regulation process. ; Una plena comprensión de los procesos regulatorios requiere tomar en cuenta su dimensión política, hasta ahora escasamente considerada en la literatura de administración pública. A este objetivo contribuye el concepto de poder empresarial que ha desarrollado la economía política. Como lo demuestra el estudio de caso de Transantiago, resulta de especial interés la vertiente estructural del poder empresarial. El process tracing aplicado al caso de este sistema de transporte demuestra que la incapacidad de las autoridades de imponer sus preferencias se debe principalmente a las restricciones estructurales que enfrentan, cuyos efectos se manifiestan de manera distinta en la etapa de adjudicación de la licitación y en la fase de implementación. ; O pleno entendimento dos processos regulatórios exige considerar sua dimensão política, até agora raramente considerada na literatura da administração pública. O conceito de poder de negócio desenvolvido pela economia política contribui para esse objetivo. Como demonstra o estudo de caso do Transantiago, o poder estrutural dos negócios é de especial interesse. O process tracing aplicado ao caso desse sistema de transporte, inaugurado em 2007, mostra que a incapacidade das autoridades em impor suas preferências se deve principalmente às restrições estruturais que enfrentam, cujos efeitos variam na fase de leilão e implementação do processo de regulação.
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In: Colombia internacional, Heft 94, S. 3-25
ISSN: 1900-6004
Last decades have witnessed increasing occurrences of socio-environmental conflicts towards the installation of power plants of all kinds. Depending on the cases, these conflicts led either to the construction or the abortion of the project. Most of the literature used to treat these occurrences individually, without evaluating systematically the incidence of conflicts in the construction –or not– of power plants. Therefore, this article proposes an analytical framework to find out under what conditions an environmental conflict achieves its objective to stop the construction of the power plant, or fails. To do so, we proceed to configurational analysis, using qca methodology for 26 cases of conflicts in Chile. The results points out a complex causality, in which no single condition is neither sufficient nor necessary to produce the outcome. Additional analysis highlights the only relative importance of articulation between social movements and traditional political actors in producing succesful outcomes. These findings lead to a better understanding of the dynamics of socio-environmental conflicts, offering thus a significant contribution to the growing literature on the consequences of social mobilizations. ; Las últimas décadas han sido testigos de un crecimiento de los conflictos ambientales, en torno a proyectos de instalación de centrales energéticas de todo tipo. Según los casos, estos conflictos desembocaron en la construcción o el abandono del proyecto. La mayor parte de la literatura tiende a tratar estos casos de forma individual, sin caracterizar de forma sistemática la incidencia de los conflictos en la construcción o no de plantas eléctricas. En cambio, el artículo elabora un marco analítico para entender bajo qué condiciones un conflicto ambiental consigue, o no, su objetivo de detener la construcción de la planta eléctrica. Para testearlo, se somete a un análisis cualitativo comparado (qca) la información levantada para 26 casos de conflictos en Chile. El análisis arroja un escenario de causalidad compleja, donde no emerge en primera instancia una variable o combinaciones de variables que expliquen de forma sintética los resultados. El análisis avanzado permite relativizar la importancia de la articulación de los movimientos sociales con los actores políticos tradicionales para obtener resultados. Estos resultados contribuyen de forma significativa a la creciente literatura sobre las consecuencias de las movilizaciones sociales y a una mejor comprensión de las dinámicas de los conflictos socioambientales.
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