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Two recent disability studies monographs from Routledge devoted in part to the Australian state and its policies with respect to disabled people break exciting new ground in analyzing the economic marginalization of disabled people and how to empower them. Both volumes are creative, well-researched, and thoughtful contributions to disability studies because of the questions they pose and the insightful, novel ways they encourage us to think about the questions.

AbstractAmy Sonnie and James Tracy'sHillbilly Nationalists, Urban Race Rebels, and Black Power, Dan Berger's anthologyThe Hidden 1970sand Jefferson Cowie'sStayin' Alive, in different ways, articulate an understanding of the political ferment that gripped the United States in the late 1960s and 1970s and its complex legacy for those struggling to change the world today. While Cowie provides a broad-brush if ultimately flawed overview of labour's declining influence during the 1970s, Sonnie and Tracy focus their attention on five radical organisations that challenged deep divisions of race to condemn inequality and oppression, and Berger similarly encompasses contributions evaluating the impact of a variety of left organisations including the Puerto Rican nationalist movement, indigenous and Black nationalist quests to establish self-determination, and the extraordinary Sojourner Truth Organization. This review critically evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the arguments made by Sonnie and Tracy, Berger and Cowie and suggests how they may be helpful for future struggle.

All too often, socialists, like others, have regarded disability as a personal tragedy. Left publications rarely discuss it or debate it and activism by people with disabilities has been ignored by the left, notwithstanding the fact that Americans with disabilities are among the most marginalized of citizens in terms of income level and poverty rates. Yet in many ways recognizing the political dimensions of disability oppression -- the fact that it is structural barriers that are primarily responsible for the marginalization of people with disabilities in employment, education, and other aspects of public life -- is a fundamentally liberating notion that has deep implications for the organization of the workplace, the work day and the structure of the educational system. From a lack of wheelchair access in many communities to inflexible support systems that force people with disabilities to choose either employment or health benefits to barriers in education that have prevented many people with disabilities from reaching their full potential, barriers remain widespread in American society (and other Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD] countries). Adapted from the source document.

Critical race theorists (CRT) have cogently argued the need for anti-racist struggles in the post-civil rights era to address the fact that integration has hardly resolved the continued marginalization and discrimination of African Americans in housing, employment, and many other dimensions and to reflect on how law facilitates racial subordination in the post-civil rights era. However, this Essay suggests that these arguments can be better understood and enriched by a deep appreciation of the breathtaking legacy of Hubert Henry Harrison (1883-1927) and a close reading of his works. As a working class activist and intellectual in both the Socialist Party and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), Harrison was later a major influence in Marcus Garvey's nationalist movement and the New Negro Movement, editor of The Voice and The Negro World, and the founder of the Liberty League. Largely lost to history, Harrison's astonishing body of work on racism and the political issues of his time force us to rethink a period of African American history that typically has been regarded as a low point in the struggle against racism and white supremacy. Yet in fact, Harrison found answers to the questions that would haunt advocates of racial equality for years to come.