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At the end of May 1918, the Spanish government was one of the first to admit that a new disease had emerged in their country. The newswire from Reuters reported that King Alfonso XIII, the prime minister, and other officials were all sick with influenza. This outbreak was later referred to as "the first wave" or "spring/summer wave" of the 1918– 1920 Spanish flu pandemic. As a neutral country during World War I, Spain lacked the incentive to censor the news the way combatants did. Although it was recognized early on that the disease did not originate in Spain, the name nevertheless stuck. ; publishedVersion

During epidemics, the poorest part of the population usually suffers the most. Alfred Crosby noted that the norm changed during the 1918 influenza pandemic in the US: The black population (which were expected to have higher influenza morbidity and mortality) had lower morbidity and mortality than the white population during the autumn of 1918. Crosby's explanation for this was that black people were more exposed to a mild spring/summer wave of influenza earlier that same year. In this paper, we review the literature from the pandemic of 1918 to better understand the crossover in the role of race on mortality. The literature has used insurance, military, survey, and routine notification data. Results show that the black population had lower morbidity, and during September, October, and November, lower mortality but higher case fatality than the white population. The results also show that the black population had lower influenza morbidity prior to 1918. The reasons for lower morbidity among the black population both at baseline and during the herald and later waves in 1918 remain unclear. Results may imply that black people had a lower risk of developing the disease given exposure, but when they did get sick, they had a higher risk of dying. ; publishedVersion

During epidemics, the poorest part of the population usually suffers the most. Alfred Crosby noted that the norm changed during the 1918 influenza pandemic in the US: The black population (which were expected to have higher influenza morbidity and mortality) had lower morbidity and mortality than the white population during the autumn of 1918. Crosby's explanation for this was that black people were more exposed to a mild spring/summer wave of influenza earlier that same year. In this paper, we review the literature from the pandemic of 1918 to better understand the crossover in the role of race on mortality. The literature has used insurance, military, survey, and routine notification data. Results show that the black population had lower morbidity, and during September, October, and November, lower mortality but higher case fatality than the white population. The results also show that the black population had lower influenza morbidity prior to 1918. The reasons for lower morbidity among the black population both at baseline and during the herald and later waves in 1918 remain unclear. Results may imply that black people had a lower risk of developing the disease given exposure, but when they did get sick, they had a higher risk of dying.

Analyses of mortality in Alaska and Labrador during the 1918 influenza pandemic indicate that influenza itself was only one of several factors influencing mortality in different communities. We discuss the added impact of exposure to influenza prior to the major waves of the pandemic in 1918 and cocirculation of other acute infectious diseases, including pneumonia, smallpox, and measles; chronic conditions such as nutritional deficiencies and tuberculosis; and social and cultural factors such as the economic climate, ethnicity, official responses, and access to health care. The emphasis is on potential explanations for differential mortality in these regions and on how the experiences of Labradoreans and Alaskans can help to inform us about the multitude of interrelated factors influencing modern health issues.

The article synthesizes the literature on union commitment and union renewal through employing the concept of union apathy. This is done with a view to analyse the association between union strategies and union apathy, and the association between apathy and willingness to become a union delegate in Norway. To this end, the authors have run multivariate regressions on the YS Employment Outlook Survey. Results show that union strategy is significantly associated with apathy, and that apathetic union members are less willing to work for their union in the capacity of union delegate. The authors conclude that if unions are to counter apathy in an effort at renewal, and to ensure a sufficient pool of potential union delegates, they must mobilize the talents, ideas and energy of their members. Finally, the authors suggest that unions with an 'organizing' soul seem better equipped to counter apathy than unions bent on the 'servicing' model.

In the absence of vaccines to fight the COVID-19 pandemic, in 2020 governments had to respond by rely on non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs). Socioeconomic inequalities likely influenced the uptake of NPIs. Using Norwegian survey data, we study whether income was associated with increased handwashing, keeping 1 m distance, using facemasks increased use of home office, and less use of public transportation. Except for using facemasks and less public transportation in a non-work context, all analyzed NPIs showed an independent positive association with income. Social disparities in NPI uptake may be important drivers of higher risks of disease outcomes for people of lower socioeconomic status.

In the absence of vaccines to fight the COVID-19 pandemic, in 2020 governments had to respond by rely on non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs). Socioeconomic inequalities likely influenced the uptake of NPIs. Using Norwegian survey data, we study whether income was associated with increased handwashing, keeping 1 m distance, using facemasks increased use of home office, and less use of public transportation. Except for using facemasks and less public transportation in a non-work context, all analyzed NPIs showed an independent positive association with income. Social disparities in NPI uptake may be important drivers of higher risks of disease outcomes for people of lower socioeconomic status. ; acceptedVersion

While attention to research integrity has been growing over the past decades, the processes of signalling and denouncing cases of research misconduct remain largely unstudied. In this article, we develop a theoretically and empirically informed under-standing of the causes and consequences of reporting research misconduct in terms of power relations. We study the reporting process based on a multinational survey at eight European universities (N = 1126). Using qualitative data that witnesses of research misconduct or of questionable research practices provided, we aim to exam-ine actors' rationales for reporting and not reporting misconduct, how they report it and the perceived consequences of reporting. In particular we study how research seniority, the temporality of work appointments, and gender could impact the likeli-hood of cases being reported and of reporting leading to constructive organisational changes. Our findings suggest that these aspects of power relations play a role in the reporting of research misconduct. Our analysis contributes to a better understanding of research misconduct in an academic context. Specifically, we elucidate the pro-cesses that affect researchers' ability and willingness to report research misconduct, and the likelihood of universities taking action. Based on our findings, we outline specific propositions that future research can test as well as provide recommenda-tions for policy improvement. ; This work was supported by the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme, grant agreement number 665926 (PRINTEGER). ; publishedVersion