Suchergebnisse

Artikel ini menganalisis faktor yang menyebabkan perempuan di Desa Mekarsari melakukan gerakan sosial dari perspektif proses pembingkaian. Penelitian dalam artikel ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, karena yang diteliti dalam artikel ini adalah proses interaksi ataupun pertarungan wacana yang memengaruhi kemunculan gerakan. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa ekofeminsme dalam kaitannya dengan politik rekognisi sebagai wacana penting dalam gerakan, karena dalam pembangunan Perusahaan Listrik Tenaga Uap di desa Mekarsari, bukan hanya mengancam kelestarian lingkungan, juga dianggap mengabaikan hak-hak para perempuan, baik dalam prosesnya maupun manfaatnya. Bagi para perempuan, memperjuangkan ruang hidup dan lingkungan, dimaknai juga sebagai perjuangan atas harga diri dan martabat. Artikel ini menemukan perbedaan makna dan kepentingan akan "pengakuan" bagi individu yang memilih terlibat di dalam gerakan dan yang menolaknya.Kata kunci: ekofeminisme, gerakan sosial, pembingkaian, pengakuan

Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis proses pelembagaan Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI) Kota Bandung. Penelitian ini didesain dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif. Bertolak dari kerangka teoritik pelembagaan partai politik, penelitian ini menghasilkan beberapa temuan yang berfokus pada empat derajat pelembagaan. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan derajat kesisteman (systemness) dalam proses pelembagaan di tubuh PSI Kota Bandung masih jauh dari kata ideal. Faktor-faktor seperti penggunaan aturan, prosedur, dan mekanisme yang disepakati dan ditetapkan dalam konstitusi partai belum mampu diterjemahkan PSI Kota Bandung dalam menajemen keorganisasian. Di level derajat identitas nilai (value infusion), PSI Kota Bandung konsisten mengusung nilai yang menjadi landasan partai. Namun, secara prakis beberapa narasi yang diusung partai tidak terlalu mendatangkan insentif secara elektoral. Di level decisional autonomy, kondisi PSI Kota Bandung yang hanya mengandalkan sumber pembiayaan partai dari sumber internal, kendati kondisi ini memberikan keleluasaan dan derajat otonomi suatu partai dalam pembuatan keputusan, namun keterbatasan kemampuan keuangan berdampak pada efektifitas jalannya organisasi. Di level value infusion, narasi dan isu yang dibawa parrtai menjadikan mereka dekat dengan segmen pemilih dari kelompok minoritas, baik dari kelompok keagamaan maupun etnis. Di level keempat (reification), diferensiasi identitas yang dibawa partai nampak belum membumi di tengah publik Kota Bandung.

This study aims to determine the changes in the pattern of recruitment of Gerindra Party legislative candidates after being declared an open party in the 2019 election in DKI Jakarta and to know the function of cadre recruitment to be prepared in the Gerindra 2019 party legislative candidates in DKI Jakarta. The recruitment by the Gerindra Party is semi-open because all people who fulfill the requirements can be chosen as legislative candidates from the party. This research uses qualitative methods, with descriptive research types. Data collection through observation and interviews. 2019 elections have 20 political parties. Political parties in Indonesia are institutions that are considered important in a democratic system. Therefore, political parties are obliged to recruit candidates for legislative members who later party cadres will be placed in parliament and also through open selection both internal and external cadres. The Gerindra Party in facing the 2019 election has a policy to implement a recruitment mechanism for legislative candidates. Thus it is hoped that the best representatives of the people will be able to emerge in the 2019 elections, both at the level of the DPR RI, Provincial DPRD and City / Regency DPRD.

This research aims to find out that there is political party intervention in the 33rd Nahdlatul Ulama Congress (Muktamar NU) in Jombang. This research managed to uncover the fact that political conflict unfolding during the Muktamar has not emerged suddenly, but the accumulation from the diverse antagonistic relation among nahdliyyin's organizational management. Of course, the main determinant was inextricably linked with political rivalries among NU elite in order to dominate and to influence the NU's organizational policy according to each interest. In light of the context, therefore, conflict and elite theory analysis are used as analytical lancet so as to find the driving factors in the conflict within the 33rd NU Muktamar leadership succession. This research uses the qualitative method with descriptive research type. Data were collected through observation and interview. Through this research, I intend to give the scientific contribution that can be considered as a reflection matter for NU organization. As a scientific work, this research tries as much as possible to prioritize the objectivity. Through the unfolding dynamic in Muktamar NU in Jombang, I am interested in to scrutinize why political partiy elite involve directly there so it appears that there is political parties intervention to the Muktamar result and I want to find out what factors drove political conflict in the Muktamar.

This research analyzes the political socialization carried out by the West Java Provincial KPU against disability voter groups in the election of the Governor and Deputy Governor of West Java in 2018. This was motivated by the low level of participation in disability voters as well as the importance of opening political access rights for persons with disabilities. The theory used in this study is the theory of political socialization from Rush and Althoff where there are three methods, namely imitation, instruction and motivation. The method in this study is a qualitative method. The result of this research is the importance of political socialization to disability voters, because it is mandated by the 1945 Constitution and its derivative regulations and to realize an ideal democracy according to the criteria of voting equality and political socialization carried out by the West Java Provincial KPU to persons with disabilities to increase participation its politics with imitation methods, instruction and motivation.

This paper examines the supervisory function of Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) in the 2018 West Kalimantan Governor and Vice Governor election, particularly in campaign administration. The campaign period in electoral cycle is one of the key stages in political contestation that it is vulnerable to malpractices, moreover it involves many parties and masses. The campaign malpractices that often occur are administrative irregularities, involvement of civil servants, and money politics. This paper employed a descriptive qualitative method by using data that were collected through interview and document study during the period October - December 2019. The results of this research revealed that in carrying out the supervisory function, the West Kalimantan Election Supervisory Board carried out malpractices prevention and enforcement which synergize with supervision of the district/city to sub-district/village levels. By emphasizing on the prevention function, the West Kalimantan Election Supervisory Board arranged supervisory design built upon potential vulnerability, which based on sub-stages and regions, conducted socialization intensively in the community, and coordinated with the stakeholders. Meanwhile, in the enforcement function, the West Kalimantan Election Supervisory Board cooperated with General Election Commissions (KPU), police and prosecutors.

This study discusses the dilemma that occurs in PSI between maintaining party ideals by not using figures or maximizing votes in the first election. The purpose of this study is to discuss how figures play a role in the success of political parties in getting votes in elections. The method used in this study is a qualitative method using two data sources. The data collection technique used is through interviews and from other sources related to this research such as books, journals, and mass media. The theory used in this study is the social dilemma theory proposed by Weiten. The result of this study is that PSI's decision not to use figures as part of its political strategy had a negative impact on vote gains so that PSI failed to reach the parliamentary threshold in its first election. PSI was only able to reach the 12th position of the 19 competing parties. In contrast to the results at the national level, in DKI Jakarta PSI got quite significant results. This is inseparable from the figure of Ahok who indirectly influences PSI's political strategy in DKI Jakarta. As long as figures still play a role as determinants of people's choices, the existence of figures must be included as part of the strategy of every political party. By elaborating between party figures and platforms, the new party will get the maximum benefit

ABSTRACTFollowing the amendment of the 1945 Constitution, Indonesia became one of the countries that adopted presidential government system in which the presidential position is directly elected by the people. The interesting thing and is still hitherto controversial is the limitation of president's term of office for no more than two periods. Review of various literature illustrate that there is no standard exemplar to limit or not to limit the period that must be applied in a country that adheres to presidentialism. On the other hand, if it is associated with democracy, the limitation of president's period will cause contradiction especially with president's accountability in which the president is directly elected by the people. Based on this, we conducted a study using qualitative methods with descriptive approach aims at knowing how the periodisation of presidential term of office in Indonesia viewed from a democratic perspective. This article argues that the model of presidential period limitation for at maximum two periods must be carried out by adding the length of service to more than five years and requiring an interlude between the first and the second period. The modelling can anticipate the tendency of power abuse by incumbent while maintaining demos support for the legitimacy of the president.

The Third Amendment to the 1945 Constitution stipulates that one of the requirements to become a presidential candidate is an Indonesian natural-born citizen who has never received another citizenship of his/her own volition. The requirement can create confusion and dissenting opinions to determine persons considered natural-born citizens and methods to prove it. This study explores the significances of determining a natural-born citizen as a requirement to become a presidential candidate and its implications. Through a socio-legal approach, this study concludes that the natural-born citizen requirement's significance is to eliminate racial discrimination from the previous requirement of a "native Indonesian" president and to ensure convincing allegiance from the president. There are some implications of the requirement. First, every Indonesian citizen born after the establishment of the Citizenship Law 2006, regardless of ethnic status, is called a natural-born citizen, including those from mixed marriages and having limited dual citizenship up to the age of 18 years. Meanwhile, for Indonesian citizens born before the Citizenship Law 2006, the natural-born citizen status is determined based on Law 3 of 1946 and Law 62 of 1958, including Indonesia's agreement with the Netherlands and China. Second, a natural-born citizen status mutatis mutandis should require of other constitutional positions, either executive, legislative, or judiciary, and to a presidential candidate's husband or wife.Natural Born Citizen sebagai Syarat Presiden Indonesia: Arti Penting dan ImplikasiAbstrakAmandemen Ketiga UUD 1945 menetapkan salah satu syarat calon presiden adalah kewarganegaraan sejak kelahiran (natural-born citizen) dan tidak pernah menerima kewarganegaraan lain karena kehendaknya sendiri. Syarat tersebut dapat menimbulkan kebingungan tentang siapa saja yang dapat dianggap sebagai warga negara sejak kelahiran dan bagaimana pembuktiannya. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menelusuri arti penting penetapan natural-born citizen sebagai syarat presiden dan implikasinya. Melalui pendekatan sosio-legal, artikel ini menyimpulkan arti penting syarat natural-born citizen adalah untuk menghilangkan diskriminasi rasial dari syarat presiden "orang Indonesia asli" dan untuk menjamin kesetiaan yang kuat dari presiden. Adapun implikasinya, pertama, setiap WNI yang lahir setelah berlakunya UU Kewarganegaraan tahun 2006, jika sejak kelahirannya telah berstatus WNI, tanpa melihat status etnis, disebut sebagai natural born citizen, termasuk di dalamnya berasal dari perkawinan campuran dan memiliki kewarganegaraan ganda terbatas sampai dengan usia 18 tahun. Sementara WNI yang lahir sebelum UU Kewarganegaraan tahun 2006, penentuan status WNI sejak kelahiran berdasarkan pengaturan UU 3 Tahun 1946 dan UU 62 Tahun 1958 termasuk perjanjian-perjanjian yang diadakan Indonesia dengan Belanda dan Tiongkok. Kedua, natural born citizen secara mutatis mutandis seharusnya diberlakukan bagi syarat jabatan ketatanegaraan lainnya baik eksekutif, legislatif, maupun yudikatif, serta terhadap suami atau istri calon Presiden karena alasan kesetiaan.Kata Kunci: kesetiaan, kewarganegaraan sejak kelahiran, syarat presiden.DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v7n3.a1

The Third Amendment to the 1945 Constitution has regulated new requirements for presidential candidates. One of which is the requirement to be mentally and physically capable of carrying out the duties and obligations of the presidential office. This research aims to find the reason for formulating norms or legal ratio of the formation of such a requirement. The nature of this research is qualitative research using a normative-empirical and comparative approach. The results reveal several legal ratios of the requirement. First, the requirement is considered important because the president has the highest position within the governmental structures. Second reason refers to the close relation between health and decision-making matters, and the third demonstrates reasonable and justifiable limitations from the perspective of human rights. Comparison with several countries exposes that the requirement is fundamental since the president has dual functions, namely a head of state and a chief of government. This research also exhibits that the legal basis of the requirement is not in accordance with the 1945 Constitution since the existing regulation takes the form of the Decree of the General Election Commission. Therefore, this research recommends the appropriate legal basis to further regulate mental and physical requirements by law which regulates some fundamental principles dealing with such requirements.