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The problem of physicians and nurses' resistance to Health Information Technology (HIT) is an issue that could lead to time wastage, budget overruns and HIT implementation failure, leading to substantial financial losses for many organisations. Moreover, it prevents organisations from harnessing the desired benefits of HIT. Therefore, to better manage the implementation of new IT projects, it is imperative to recognise and understand behaviours of resistance. A deeper understanding of user resistance will allow organisations to control and manage such behaviour, helping to ensure the success and continued use of HIT. Information systems (IS) literature indicates that user resistance can arise from a negative user perception of IS in healthcare. The antecedents of these negative perceptions have not been thoroughly examined nor have their relationship with the perceived threat. This study theorises why physicians and nurses perceive HIT as a threat and how those perceived threats lead to user resistance. The study adopts a qualitative method, using within- and cross-case analysis of two in-depth case studies, a military hospital and a public hospital. This study contributes to user resistance research by identifying the antecedents of perceived threats and user resistance. It highlights the differences between the cases due to the differences in culture, management style, and organisational decisions regarding whether to develop HIT in-house or to buy it, and whether these factors influence the antecedents of perceived threats and user resistance. Finally, the study shows how the differences between physicians and nurses and the differences across various levels of physicians influence the antecedents of perceived threats.

Interaction among the islands in the Malay archipelago in early period was through trade, culture and brotherhood. This relationship persisted despite Western powers trying to set-up Western-style of political boundaries to justify their terrirorial claims in the archipelago. This is also the case between British dominions in Borneo namely Sarawak and Sabah with the Dutch domination in Indonesia. It was revealed that this past relationship was feared by the colonial powers after World War II. This is because of the liberation movement and anti-colonial movement in Indonesia. Meanwhile, Indonesia's independence movement worried the British who had just colonized Sarawak and Sabah. Both regions were also experiencing political changes that began to counter British rule in Sarawak and Sabah. Although the opposition differed between the two territories, their original purpose was to free themselves from British occupation. Of particular concern to the British was the nationalist movement in Indonesia which was feared to influence political movements in Sarawak and Sabah. This is clearly demonstrated by the presence of several active Indonesian organizations in Sarawak and the existence of political movements in Sabah that supported Sukarno and Hatta. The British tried to stop the Indonesian influence from working in these two territories. The purpose of this article is to look at aspects of cultural space that have long been involved in political movements in Sarawak and Sabah. This article uses a content analysis approach using primary sources from London and secondary materials from libraries in Malaysia. From this point of view, we can make a clear finding that friendship and brotherhood are strong in the archipelago despite the fact that Western powers are trying to separate them.

The present paper seeks to assess the implications of increasing financial sector size on income inequality in eight Asian countries - Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and South Korea. Adopting a panel data approach, it document a non-linear relation between income inequality and financial sector size in these countries. More precisely, the increasing financial sector size is favourable to equal income distribution only up until a size threshold, beyond which further expansion of the financial sector can worsen income distribution. The analysis further highlights the income-equalizing effect of economic growth and infrastructure development and the income un-equalizing effect of trade and government expenditures. These results are robust to alternative model specifications and to exclusion of a country at a time from the sample.

The Chinese revolutions were the standard-bearers of the world revolution that influenced many independence fighters in colonialized countries. Feudalism, militarism and imperialism were the main 'enemies' to the masses that trapped them in the various social inequities of poverty, exploitation and subjugation. Self-worth and national pride were the drivers of the Chinese Revolution as they embedded Chinese nationalism within Marx-Lenin's revolutionary strategy. However, the formation, organization and revolutionary struggle of the Chinese Communist Party was defined and controlled by the Communist International (Comintern) and Stalin that placed them in a straitjacket beyond the border of the Chinese society. A two-stage revolutionary strategy was to be applied in China where the infant CCP must work with Kuomintang (KMT) to gain national liberation of China from imperialism, militarism and feudalism under the leadership of Dr Sun Yat-sen to Chiang Kai-shek. However, defining the changing society in China from afar blinded Stalin interpretation of Marx-Lenin theses as a revolution from below was trigged by the peasant uprisings and KMT's voices are national revolution but in practice is reactionary. KMT's voices of revolutionary vigour are to obtain Russian aid and military support but in realpolitik, it massacres the peasants and the labourers who rebel and jeopardies their militarist-capitalist-imperialist agenda. Students of contemporary societal and political change could learn from the Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution, where the body of knowledge applied was socially blinded to the changing social reality of the locality.Revolusi Cina adalah pembawa standar revolusi dunia yang mempengaruhi banyak pejuang kemerdekaan di negara-negara terjajah. Feodalisme, militerisme, dan imperialisme adalah 'musuh' utama massa yang menjebak mereka dalam berbagai ketidakadilan sosial berupa kemiskinan, eksploitasi dan penaklukan. Hal ini mendorong terjadinya revolusi. Harga diri dan kebanggaan nasional adalah pendorong Revolusi Cina karena mereka menanamkan nasionalisme Cina dalam strategi revolusioner Marx-Lenin. Namun, pembentukan, organisasi dan perjuangan revolusioner Partai Komunis Tiongkok ditentukan dan dikendalikan oleh Komunis Internasional (Komintern) dan Stalin yang menempatkan mereka dalam jaket pengekang di luar batas masyarakat Tiongkok. Strategi revolusioner dua tahap akan diterapkan di Tiongkok di mana PKC yang masih bayi harus bekerja dengan Kuomintang (KMT) untuk mendapatkan pembebasan nasional Tiongkok dari imperialisme, militerisme, dan feodalisme di bawah kepemimpinan Dr Sun Yat-sen ke Chiang Kai-shek. Namun, mendefinisikan masyarakat yang berubah di Cina dari interpretasi Stalin yang membutakan atas tesis Marx-Lenin sebagai revolusi dari bawah dipicu oleh pemberontakan petani dan suara KMT adalah revolusi nasional tetapi dalam praktiknya adalah reaksioner. Suara kekuatan revolusioner KMT adalah untuk mendapatkan bantuan dan dukungan militer Rusia tetapi dalam politik nyata, KMT membantai para petani dan buruh yang memberontak dan membahayakan agenda militeris-kapitalis-imperialis mereka. Mahasiswa perubahan sosial dan politik kontemporer dapat belajar dari Tragedi Revolusi Cina, di mana tubuh pengetahuan yang diterapkan secara sosial dibutakan oleh realitas sosial yang berubah dari lokalitas.

Malaysia is a product of a post-colonial plural society. However, under the influences of development, migration and technological changes, the plural society characters of the nation have undergone social transformation from one of a compartmentalized society by language, culture, religion and economic vocation into a diverse society. However, the conceptual and theoretical frameworks of the tradition of Furnivall's plural society may not be able to explain the fluidity and dynamism of contemporary Malaysia. Ethnic and religious dimensions may define the ethnicised society but to argue that such a society is a plural society may not do justice to explain the shift from ethno-religious concerned are being embedded with civic spaces of justice, inclusivity and participative democracy of the Malaysian diverse society. This article grapples with the constraints of the Furnivall tradition by introducing the conceptual framework of ethnic boundary in the tradition of Barth and the theoretical framework of the sociology of modernization and development in understanding and explaining the social changes taking place in Malaysia. Ethnic identity still prevails but it has thinned as an influence on social action. Studies show that social cohesion dominates the relationship of the diverse ethnic groups that shared a common norm, showing greater similarities rather than differences and under such social differentiation in the society, they relate to one another horizontally and least vertically.

The objective of the study was to determine whether employee retention in Malaysian banks can be improved through flexible working. Using a quantitative approach, the effects of five types of flexible working practice, i.e. flex time, jobsharing, flex leave, flex career and flex place, on employee retention were examined. The results suggest that only flex time has a positive significant effect on employee retention, while the effects of other flexible practices are unstable.Unlike most studies which generally demonstrate the positive effects of flexible working on employee retention, the current one indicates that the effectiveness of each flexible practice is influenced by contextual factors. These findings underline the importance of further studies comparing societies of different cultural, political, economic and technological backgrounds. They have also raised the need to re examine human resource management and organizational culture in the Malaysian work environment. Challenges lie in developing a flexible environment which values continuous learning, trust, accountability and strong corporate governance.

ABSTRAK Kolonialisme Barat yang hegemonik membawa bersamanya proses pembaratan budaya. Proses ini tidak hanya berbentuk material ke Asia Tenggara tetapi juga berhasil memaksakan ide-ide intelektual yang membawa dampak transformatif pada masyarakat di kawasan ini. Salah satu yang terbaru, sebagaimana konsep JS Furnivall adalah pembentukan "masyarakat majemuk" di negara-negara jajahan yang akhirnya mencapai negara-negara merdeka yang modern. Beberapa diantara negara-negara merdeka ini berhasil melalui transformasi politik dan menghasilkan berbagai varian kemajemukan yang berakar dari model masyarakat plural. Malaysia dan Singapore adalah dua contoh yang berguna dalam konteks ini, tetapi keduanya sering diberi label sebagai "masyarakat multikultural" yang mempraktekkan multi-kulturalisme. Tulisan ini memaparkan argumen yang mungkin saja benar untuk kasus Singapura tetapi tidak demikian untuk kasus Malaysia. Key Word: pembangunan bangsa, negara bangsa, etnik, migrasi, kesatuan nasional, integrasi