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The installation of cable cars as part of slum beautification projects has begun to circulate among politicians, planners and residents as a magical solution that offers social and economic integration to historically marginalized urban areas. This paper analyzes the way in which a cable car project became a fetish for the inhabitants, politicians and planners of Cazucá, a very deprived, abandoned and stigmatized area on the outskirts of Bogotá, Colombia. The highly positive value given to the cable car project must be understood within the specific local context without judging its 'false promises' a priori. The promise of the cable car in Cazucá reveals at least two crucial political reasons for the current potency of such projects: a complex history of political failures and the political value cable cars have acquired nationally and internationally. We analyze how, for both residents and politicians, the mere possibility of a cable car awakened long neglected desires for visibility and created new ones, such as those related to tourism. They see the cable car as an 'engine for social change', a way to ensure the commitment of national and international funds, and a venue to brand the city on a global scale. © 2014 Urban Research Publications Limited.

Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- On Squatting -- The Case in a Nutshell -- Through the Lens of Social Movements Theory -- References -- Chapter 2 The Case of Montevideo -- Squatting and the Repertoire of Collective Action by the Urban Poor of Montevideo -- A Stubborn Statist Tradition in a Worn-DownElastic State -- Statism and Clientelism: Continuities and Changes -- Changing the Repertoire -- From Marginality to the Poor Working Class: A Change in Demographics and Identity -- Demographics Through Historical and More Recent Studies of Squatters -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3 The Cycle of Land Invasions -- Snapshot 1: A Story of an Accretion Invasion (1950s) -- Snapshot 2: A Story of a Planned Invasion (1990s) -- Snapshot 3: A Story of a Land Invasion by Subdivision and Sale (Early 2000s) -- Snapshot 4: Eviction (from 2004 Onwards) -- Making Sense of the Snapshots -- When, How, and Where? -- Accretion Invasions -- Planned Invasions -- Subdivision and Sale -- Prevalence, Timing, Land Ownership, and Geography: A Panorama of Land Squatting in Montevideo -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4 Accretion Invasions. A Story of an Unlikely Contention (1979-1990) -- Late Start in Relation to the Rural-Urban Migration Process -- Steady Growth During the Military Regime -- A Powerful Ally: Squatters and the Catholic Church During Authoritarian Times -- La Calera -- San Vicente -- Scaling up: MOVIDE -- MOVIDE from an International Perspective -- References -- Chapter 5 Planned Squatting and Politics -- A New Form of Squatting -- Electoral Competition as Political Opportunity -- The Leftist Orientation of the Rising Contender in the Electoral Race -- Squatters and the Left from the Politicians' Perspective -- Squatters and the Left from the Squatters' Perspective

¿Qué sucede cuando los desiguales se juntan? En este artículo se analiza la interacción entre clases sociales altas y bajas en una universidad en Colombia, uno de los países más inequitativos y fragmentados del mundo, a partir de un programa estatal de becas. Con base en entrevistas a profundidad, observación etnográfica y grupos focales, se encuentra que el programa provee oportunidades inéditas para que los jóvenes de sectores populares interactúen con clases sociales más altas, y eventualmente, formen redes de amistad. Las interacciones están atravesadas por experiencias de desigualdad nuevas, emociones como la vergüenza o el orgullo, y ciertos límites simbólicos que ponen énfasis en el desempeño académico e igualan, y otros que acentúan las diferencias de clase y separan.

AbstractThis article argues that material conditions limit the possibilities of symbolic boundaries becoming markers of social differentiation, especially among stigmatized groups. Using squatter settlements in Montevideo, Uruguay, as a case study, it shows that symbolic boundaries are hard to maintain when material conditions and the stigmas associated with certain places work against them. Based on participant observation and oral histories, it analyses how squatters experienced the move to a squatter settlement. It argues that, for many, it was a way to resist exclusion, a struggle to belong to the city and to protect a social position that structural changes under neoliberalism had put at risk. This required engaging in difficult symbolic boundary work to distinguish themselves from cantegriles—poor and crowded older shantytowns—and claim dignity as workers and residents of a regular city neighbourhood. Yet, there were many limits to their fight in an increasingly fragmented city. Through follow‐up visits to several settlements over almost two decades and tracking the case in the local press, through available survey data and secondary literature, this article offers a longitudinal perspective of symbolic boundaries in the making.

Some Latin American cities are trying to overcome decades of market and state led segregation through mixing urban policies, which consist of locating social housing in better off neighborhoods rather than in the poor peripheries where it was traditionally built. This change comes from the realization of the negative effects of living in segregated public housing and homogeneously poor neighborhoods in general which havebeen documented in Latin America as well as elsewhere. Bogotá is one of these cases. European and American cities have experimented with different variations of mixed income policies since the 1990s. What can we learn from their experience? And, in turn, what can Latin American cities contribute to the literature on urban mixing and integration? ; Plusieurs villes d'Amérique latine essayent de surmonter des décennies de ségrégation (d'état et de marché), en mettant en place des politiques urbaines de mixité qui consistent à localiser des logements sociaux dans des quartiers aisés plutôt que dans les périphéries pauvres où ils étaient traditionnellement construits. Ce changement découle de la prise de conscience des effets négatifs que peut entrainer la vie dans des quartiers défavorisés, en général, sans aucune mixité sociale, qui ont été notamment documentés en Amérique latine. Bogotá en est un exemple. Les villes européennes et américaines ont, quant à elles, expérimenté la mise en place des diverses politiques de revenus mixtes depuis les années 1990 afin d'enrayer la situation. Que pouvonsnous apprendre de leur expérience? Et, à leur tour, comment les villes latinoaméricaines peuventelles contribuer à la littérature sur la mixité urbaine et l'intégration ?

Some Latin American cities are trying to overcome decades of market and state led segregation through mixing urban policies, which consist of locating social housing in better off neighborhoods rather than in the poor peripheries where it was traditionally built. This change comes from the realization of the negative effects of living in segregated public housing and homogeneously poor neighborhoods in general which havebeen documented in Latin America as well as elsewhere. Bogotá is one of these cases. European and American cities have experimented with different variations of mixed income policies since the 1990s. What can we learn from their experience? And, in turn, what can Latin American cities contribute to the literature on urban mixing and integration? ; Plusieurs villes d'Amérique latine essayent de surmonter des décennies de ségrégation (d'état et de marché), en mettant en place des politiques urbaines de mixité qui consistent à localiser des logements sociaux dans des quartiers aisés plutôt que dans les périphéries pauvres où ils étaient traditionnellement construits. Ce changement découle de la prise de conscience des effets négatifs que peut entrainer la vie dans des quartiers défavorisés, en général, sans aucune mixité sociale, qui ont été notamment documentés en Amérique latine. Bogotá en est un exemple. Les villes européennes et américaines ont, quant à elles, expérimenté la mise en place des diverses politiques de revenus mixtes depuis les années 1990 afin d'enrayer la situation. Que pouvonsnous apprendre de leur expérience? Et, à leur tour, comment les villes latinoaméricaines peuventelles contribuer à la littérature sur la mixité urbaine et l'intégration ?

Some Latin American cities are trying to overcome decades of market and state led segregation through mixing urban policies, which consist of locating social housing in better off neighborhoods rather than in the poor peripheries where it was traditionally built. This change comes from the realization of the negative effects of living in segregated public housing and homogeneously poor neighborhoods in general which havebeen documented in Latin America as well as elsewhere. Bogotá is one of these cases. European and American cities have experimented with different variations of mixed income policies since the 1990s. What can we learn from their experience? And, in turn, what can Latin American cities contribute to the literature on urban mixing and integration? ; Plusieurs villes d'Amérique latine essayent de surmonter des décennies de ségrégation (d'état et de marché), en mettant en place des politiques urbaines de mixité qui consistent à localiser des logements sociaux dans des quartiers aisés plutôt que dans les périphéries pauvres où ils étaient traditionnellement construits. Ce changement découle de la prise de conscience des effets négatifs que peut entrainer la vie dans des quartiers défavorisés, en général, sans aucune mixité sociale, qui ont été notamment documentés en Amérique latine. Bogotá en est un exemple. Les villes européennes et américaines ont, quant à elles, expérimenté la mise en place des diverses politiques de revenus mixtes depuis les années 1990 afin d'enrayer la situation. Que pouvonsnous apprendre de leur expérience? Et, à leur tour, comment les villes latinoaméricaines peuventelles contribuer à la littérature sur la mixité urbaine et l'intégration ?

En la última década del siglo XX la ciudad de Montevideo sufrió cambios drásticos. El número de barrios informales creció como nunca en la historia de la ciudad. Muchos de esos barrios se formaron a partir de invasiones organizadas, es decir, mediante un proceso en el que un grupo identificó un terreno disponible, lo invadió, trazó calles y lotes, negoció con las autoridades y se organizó para demandar servicios públicos. Este artículo se pregunta qué explica la ola de invasiones de tierra planificadas en torno a 1990 en Montevideo. A partir de análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de eventos de invasión a través del tiempo, argumenta que el aumento de la competencia electoral y la llegada de la coalición de izquierda Frente Amplio al gobierno de la ciudad, constituyeron una oportunidad política clave para los pobres urbanos ; The city of Montevideo changed drastically during the last decade of the twentieth century. The number of informal neighborhoods increased in an unprecedented manner. Many of these neighborhoods started as organized land invasions, that is, with a group identifying a piece of land, invading it, outlining streets and plots, negotiating with authorities and organizing to demand public services. This article asks what explains the wave of organized land invasions in Montevideo around 1990. Using qualitative and quantitative analysis of squatting events over time, it argues that the rising electoral competition and the arrival of the leftist coalition Frente Amplio to the city government, constituted a key political opportunity for the urban poor.

The last decades have witnessed the appearance and consolidation of feminist Shakespearean criticism as a challenging -and therefore harshly attacked-critical project. This article explores and revises the interpretations feminist criticism has offered of the concept of motherhood concerning the character of Volumnia in Coriolanus, from two different points of view: the Psychoanalytic approach and the political perspective -integrating the British Cultural Materialist and the American New Historicist views. From this New Historicist perspective, a new approach to the question of Volumnia's motherhood is suggested, by adding, to classical interpretations, a new one, offering an analysis of Volumnia as a Renaissance 'new mother'.

The last decades have witnessed the appearance and consolidation of feminist Shakespearean criticism as a challenging -and therefore harshly attacked-critical project. This article explores and revises the interpretations feminist criticism has offered of the concept of motherhood concerning the character of Volumnia in Coriolanus, from two different points of view: the Psychoanalytic approach and the political perspective -integrating the British Cultural Materialist and the American New Historicist views. From this New Historicist perspective, a new approach to the question of Volumnia's motherhood is suggested, by adding, to classical interpretations, a new one, offering an analysis of Volumnia as a Renaissance 'new mother'.

La apertura en 1984 de una agencia del Departamento del Distrito Federal que concentraba las competencias relacionadas con la gestión de los residuos sólidos –la Dirección Generalde Servicios Urbanos–, constituyó un intento de modernización del sistema de tratamiento y disposición final en el Distrito Federal. Se cerraron todos los tiraderos a cielo abierto existentes, excepto el de Santa Catarina, y se construyeron tres plantas de selección y aprovechamiento de residuos sólidos. Se pretendía de esta forma controlar las graves consecuencias ambientales de aquellos sitios, así como mejorar las condiciones de vida de los miles de pepenadores que habitaban y trabajaban en los mismos, mediante su incorporación como mano de obra a las nuevas plantas. Además se construyó un relleno sanitario y se saneó el único tiradero que había sobrevivido a la ola de cierres.Después de grandes esfuerzos administrativos y, sobre todo, de una enorme inversión tecnológica y económica, la perseguida modernización ha quedado ahogada bajo la maraña de factores de tipo político y social que se desarrollaron en la etapa anterior de gestión de la basura en la ciudad (la que privilegiaba el modelo de los tiraderos a cielo abierto), imponiéndose los intereses de determinados actores a los intereses de tipo social que conlleva cualquier servicio supuestamente público.