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AbstractThis article addresses two issues related to citizen security and its developments in Mexico. First, it analyzes the limits of citizen security in terms of its exclusions and marginalizations as they particularly affect women and migrants. It is argued that citizen security policy does not capture the multilayered security concerns that affect women. As programs of citizen security are primarily directed at public spaces, gender‐based violence, in particular domestic violence, is not included in its conceptualization. Second, migrants in transit are being excluded from citizen security for being noncitizens and thus "underserving subjects." Moreover, citizen security tends to be place‐bound as it is directed at the community level, while migrants are persons in situations of mobility and therefore escape place‐bound initiatives. The second part of this article focuses on how the current militarization of Mexico's security policy has affected citizen security. It finds that this militarization has deprioritized citizen security, affecting women and migrants in particular.

This article focuses on Mexican state practices dealing with immigration. It analyzes how the Mexican state has generated new governmentalities toward border crossings, thereby creating new (securitized) subjectivities, and to what extent such governmentalities have been the result of unequal relations with its northern neighbors versus a response to more locally driven needs. It focuses particularly on the changes since 9/11 and the Calderón Government's War on Organized Crime, both of which have engendered new dynamics in North American relations, bringing out the tensions and contradictions about security concerns; mobility of goods, services and people; and free‐trade‐driven regionalism. The ensuing regional focus on security and regulating the mobility of travelers, categorizing them into safe and potentially "unsafe" subjects, and migrants who are being "managed" through temporary worker programs have turned Mexico into a buffer state protecting regional North American interests. Despite its role as a buffer, the Mexican state is also "performing" its own sovereignty and following its priorities and needs, which do not necessarily coincide with those of its northern neighbor. This article analyzes these tensions in Mexico between being a buffer state and articulating its own priorities, particularly against the background of the War on Terror initiated by the United States, the War on Organized Crime, and the continuing economic crisis of 2009. The Mexican state has undergone significant modernization in terms of its border‐control capacities, thus enhancing its capacity as a buffer state while enhancing its performative sovereignty. Second, the paper analyzes how these transformations have affected the mobility of "ordinary" travelers and migrants.

Globalization not only meant increasing flows of goods, services, capital, and more but also set the stage for increasing cross‐border organizing and transnational (social) movements, and changing modes of resistance. This article analyzes how women's and feminist movements in the region have "transnationalized" in response to the multiple and often contradictory processes of globalization and also looks at the gendered dimensions of transnational movements, including transnational migrant networks. The central question to be addressed is, to what extent does "gender" play a role in how people and groups organize? Are there gendered differences in agenda setting, selection of resistance, or mobilization strategies of transnational social movements, and what are the implications of such differences?

Dans le contexte de la mondialisation et de la formation des nouveaux régionalismes continentaux, un ensemble de transformations poussent à la reformulation des identités. En Amérique du Nord en particulier, plusieurs facteurs sont en jeu, notamment les questions relatives à la définition de la modernité, à la forme du cosmopolitisme, à l'inclusion des divers acteurs laissés dans l'ombre auparavant (femmes, autochtones, etc.). Divers agents, telles les corporations transnationales, sont même actives dans la promotion de ces nouvelles identités, ce qui ressort dans le recyclage publicitaire qu'elles font de leurs formulations antérieures. C'est la rencontre de ces facteurs sociaux, économiques, et politiques qui constitue la problématique des espaces de référence identitaire et des définitions identitaires transfrontalières.

'Given the success of Naomi Klein with her book No Logo and Noreena Hertz's The Silent Takeover, can we infer from this that feminists are finding themselves in the limelight of the anti-globalisation movement?' With this question a reporter of the Dutch magazine Op Gelijke Voet approached me about two years ago.