Suchergebnisse

Bu tez, iki savaş arası döneminde (1923 - 1938), İtalya ve Türkiye'de toplumsal cinsiyet ve milliyetçilik arasındaki ilişkiyi analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Tez özellikle, Mussolini ve Atatürk'ün Kemalist ve Faşist rejimleri döneminde kabul edilen toplumsal cinsiyet politikalarına odaklanıyor. Tezde Karşılaştırmalı-Tarihsel Metodoloji (CHM) ve feminist teori kullanılarak, yükselen İtalyan ve Türk milliyetçiliği analiz edilip toplumsal cinsiyet sorunuyla ilişkilendirildi. Bu tez, devlet politikaları ve bu politikaların, kadınların yaşamları üzerindeki etkileri hakkında karşılaştırmalı bir yorum sunuyor. Bu tez, iki dünya savaşı arası dönemde İtalya'da psikiyatri hastanelerinde tutulan orijinal kaynakları, süreli yayınları, günlükleri ve hasta kayıtlarını inceleyerek, kadınların zor koşullarını yeniden inşa ediyor. Ayrıca bu tez, Atatürk ve Mussolini dönemi rejimleri arasındaki yapısal farklılığı ve bunun sonucundaki toplumsal cinsiyet politikası farklılığının altını çiziyor. Bu tez, Mussolini'nin rejimiyle ilgili olarak, faşist ideoloji ile milliyetçi ideoloji arasındaki farkı gösterir ve siyasi karar almada erkek egemenliğini vurgular. Bu tezde, iki savaş arası dönemde hem İtalya hem Türkiye'deki liderlerin toplumsal cinsiyet politikalarını etkileyen milliyetçi bir politika benimsediklerini savunuyorum. Atatürk'ün laik ve özgürleştirici-feminist tutumu, antifaşist kadınlara baskı yapan ve hapse atan Mussoloii'nin mizojinist anti-feminizminden açıkça farklıydı. Bu nedenle Atatürk için milliyetçilikten, Mussolini rejimi için de faşizmden söz edebiliriz. --- This thesis aims to analyze the relationship between gender and nationalism, in Italy and Turkey, during the interwar period (1923 – 1938). Especially, it focuses on Mussolini and Atatürk's gender policies adopted from the Kemalist and Fascist regimes. Trought the use of Comparative-Historical Methodology (CHM) and the feminist critical theory, I will analyze and compare the rising of Italian and Turkish nationalism, connecting this to the gender issue. This thesis provides a new interpretation about state policies and their effect on women's lives. By analyzing the original legislative codes, periodicals, diaries and the publications of patient records detained in psychiatric hospitals in Italy during the two World War, this thesis reconstructs the harsh condition of women during that historical period. In order to substantiate this argument, this study investigates the structure of patriarchy and its development in Turkish and Italian societies. Moreover, this thesis highlights the structural difference of the Atatürk's regime from that of Mussolini and their different gender policies. Particularly, regarding the Mussolini's regime, this thesis underlines male egemony in political decision making, demonstrating the difference between fascist ideology and nationalist ideology.In this thesis I argue that during the interwar period, both leaders in Italy and Turkey adopted a nationalist policy that effected the gender policies. The secular and emancipasionist-feminist attitude of the Atatürk's clearly differed from the Mussolini's anti-feminist misogyny who oppressed and persecuted anti-fascist women. For this reason, we can speak of nationalism in the case of Atatürk and fascism for Mussolini's regime

Bu tez, iki savaş arası döneminde (1923 - 1938), İtalya ve Türkiye'de toplumsal cinsiyet ve milliyetçilik arasındaki ilişkiyi analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Tez özellikle, Mussolini ve Atatürk'ün Kemalist ve Faşist rejimleri döneminde kabul edilen toplumsal cinsiyet politikalarına odaklanıyor. Tezde Karşılaştırmalı-Tarihsel Metodoloji (CHM) ve feminist teori kullanılarak, yükselen İtalyan ve Türk milliyetçiliği analiz edilip toplumsal cinsiyet sorunuyla ilişkilendirildi. Bu tez, devlet politikaları ve bu politikaların, kadınların yaşamları üzerindeki etkileri hakkında karşılaştırmalı bir yorum sunuyor. Bu tez, iki dünya savaşı arası dönemde İtalya'da psikiyatri hastanelerinde tutulan orijinal kaynakları, süreli yayınları, günlükleri ve hasta kayıtlarını inceleyerek, kadınların zor koşullarını yeniden inşa ediyor. Ayrıca bu tez, Atatürk ve Mussolini dönemi rejimleri arasındaki yapısal farklılığı ve bunun sonucundaki toplumsal cinsiyet politikası farklılığının altını çiziyor. Bu tez, Mussolini'nin rejimiyle ilgili olarak, faşist ideoloji ile milliyetçi ideoloji arasındaki farkı gösterir ve siyasi karar almada erkek egemenliğini vurgular. Bu tezde, iki savaş arası dönemde hem İtalya hem Türkiye'deki liderlerin toplumsal cinsiyet politikalarını etkileyen milliyetçi bir politika benimsediklerini savunuyorum. Atatürk'ün laik ve özgürleştirici-feminist tutumu, antifaşist kadınlara baskı yapan ve hapse atan Mussoloii'nin mizojinist anti-feminizminden açıkça farklıydı. Bu nedenle Atatürk için milliyetçilikten, Mussolini rejimi için de faşizmden söz edebiliriz. --- This thesis aims to analyze the relationship between gender and nationalism, in Italy and Turkey, during the interwar period (1923 – 1938). Especially, it focuses on Mussolini and Atatürk's gender policies adopted from the Kemalist and Fascist regimes. Trought the use of Comparative-Historical Methodology (CHM) and the feminist critical theory, I will analyze and compare the rising of Italian and Turkish nationalism, connecting this to the gender issue. This thesis provides a new interpretation about state policies and their effect on women's lives. By analyzing the original legislative codes, periodicals, diaries and the publications of patient records detained in psychiatric hospitals in Italy during the two World War, this thesis reconstructs the harsh condition of women during that historical period. In order to substantiate this argument, this study investigates the structure of patriarchy and its development in Turkish and Italian societies. Moreover, this thesis highlights the structural difference of the Atatürk's regime from that of Mussolini and their different gender policies. Particularly, regarding the Mussolini's regime, this thesis underlines male egemony in political decision making, demonstrating the difference between fascist ideology and nationalist ideology. In this thesis I argue that during the interwar period, both leaders in Italy and Turkey adopted a nationalist policy that effected the gender policies. The secular and emancipasionist-feminist attitude of the Atatürk's clearly differed from the Mussolini's anti-feminist misogyny who oppressed and persecuted anti-fascist women. For this reason, we can speak of nationalism in the case of Atatürk and fascism for Mussolini's regime

When I was an undergrad at Harvard, the English department produced fancy brochures about the opportunities available to its majors: teacher, editor, Rhodes scholar. Personal assistant was not listed. I hadn't even heard of such positions until senior year, when older friends, artistically inclined friends, started snagging them. It's the position I think I've heard most about now.

In 1975 Susan Sontag, the American intellectual famous for On Photography and Against Interpretation, was diagnosed with Stage 4 breast cancer and survived after a radical mastectomy, extensive radiation treatments, and thirty months of debilitating chemotherapy. In the aftermath she needed someone to help her catch up on her correspondence. Her editors at the New York Review of Books recommended a former Review assistant named Sigrid Nunez, who lived near Sontag on the Upper West Side. Adapted from the source document.

In high school, Jill Lepore—now an Americanist at Harvard and a prolific contributor to the New Yorker—didn't see the point of going to college. And if it hadn't been for an army scholarship, she probably wouldn't have. Although she was secretly a manic reader and writer, her reputation, perpetuated through the town newspaper and her troves of trophies, was that of a jock. She maintained this image throughout her first year at Tufts, where she participated in the Reserve Officer Training Corps, played sports, and failed her math classes. Then she received a letter in the mail that changed everything.

BACKGROUND: Floating-Harbor syndrome (FHS) is a rare condition characterized by short stature, delays in expressive language, and a distinctive facial appearance. Recently, heterozygous truncating mutations in SRCAP were determined to be disease-causing. With the availability of a DNA based confirmatory test, we set forth to define the clinical features of this syndrome. METHODS AND RESULTS: Clinical information on fifty-two individuals with SRCAP mutations was collected using standardized questionnaires. Twenty-four males and twenty-eight females were studied with ages ranging from 2 to 52 years. The facial phenotype and expressive language impairments were defining features within the group. Height measurements were typically between minus two and minus four standard deviations, with occipitofrontal circumferences usually within the average range. Thirty-three of the subjects (63%) had at least one major anomaly requiring medical intervention. We did not observe any specific phenotype-genotype correlations. CONCLUSIONS: This large cohort of individuals with molecularly confirmed FHS has allowed us to better delineate the clinical features of this rare but classic genetic syndrome, thereby facilitating the development of management protocols. ; The Government of Canada through Genome Canada, the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) and the Ontario Genomics Institute (OGI-049), by Genome Québec and Genome British Columbia, and the Manton Center for Orphan Disease Research at Children's Hospital Boston. KMB is supported by a Clinical Investigatorship Award from the CIHR Institute of Genetics. AD is supported by NIH grant K23HD073351. BBAdV and HGB were financially supported by the AnEUploidy project (LSHG-CT-2006-37627). Canada Steering Committee, which consists of K. Boycott (University of Ottawa), J. Friedman (University of British Columbia), J. Michaud (University of Montreal), F. Bernier (University of Calgary), M. Brudno (University of Toronto), B. Fernandez (Memorial University), B. Knoppers ...

Individuals with special education needs have been particularly affected by the COVID-19 pandemic as they have been shown to be at high risk of losing medical and institutional support at a time when people are being asked to stay isolated, suffering increased anxiety and depression as a consequence. Their families have often found themselves under tremendous pressure to provide support, engendering financial hardship, and physical and emotional strains. In such times, it is vital that international collaborations assess the impact on the individuals and their families, affording the opportunity to make national and international comparisons of how people have coped and what needs to be done to optimize the measures taken by families, associations and governments. This paper introduces one such collaboration.