Suchergebnisse

As society has become more reliant on digital technology, it has changed the perception of the ageing experience to now include a digital component. However, not every older adult perceives digital technology as essential to their way of ageing. In this article, we asked 76 older adults with different patterns of digital technology use how they experience and perceive the role of digital technology in the context of their ageing. The thematic analysis results point to a more nuanced understanding of the importance of familial support, the role of personal history or continuity in older adults' digital inclusion, and how they see the role of age in relation to digital technology. Furthermore, our findings show that ageism is both a barrier and a motivational factor for older adults. When ageism is based on the level of digital inclusion, it can cause a different ageing experience, one that is perceived as superior by those using digital technology. This leads to a precarious situation: It becomes essential to maintain digital skills to avoid the non‐digital ageing experience even as it becomes more difficult to maintain their skills due to the evolution of technology. Prior to the study, we created a conceptual framework to understand ageing in a more digitalised world. We used the findings of this study to test the conceptual framework and we conclude that the framework can clarify the role (or lack) of digital technology in the ageing experience of older adults.

This article presents a conceptual model that explores the extent to which various (non)-users can be subjected to mechanisms of inclusion or exclusion. The model consists of eight profiles of digital inequalities, ranging from deep exclusion to deep inclusion, and is based upon a combination of five key indicators at the social level (income, education, social participation, agency, well-being) and eight key indicators at the digital level (access, attitudes, digital skills, soft skills, media richness of the environment, autonomy of use, user practices and social support). This conceptual model, by going further than socio-demographics, (a) allows the formulation of an alternative lens through which to look at mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion and (b) brings a significant contribution to existing research by highlighting the co-action of social and digital indicators in mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion.

This article contributes to a better understanding of patterns of social support in relation to digital inequalities. Based on an extensive qualitative study, the diversity of support networks and supports seeking patterns are unveiled. A typology of six patterns of help-seeking is presented and described: the support-deprived, the community-supported, the supported through substitution, the network-supported, the vicarious learners, and the self-supported. The article also critically engages with the often unnuanced academic literature on social support. The research and the typology reveal that the quality of support, as well as the availability of potential or actual support, is not only influenced by socio-economic factors. Rather, the strength of the relationship and the level of intimacy between individuals is an important predictor of support-seeking. As such, this article shows that mechanisms of in/exclusion are highly social, as they entail a diversity of formal and informal support-seeking patterns, which in turn have an important influence on the adoption and use of digital media. The article argues that understanding such mechanisms is rooted in reconciling micro-level interactions to macro-level patterns of inequalities. To show the specificity of social support within digital inequalities research, and to demarcate the concept from definitions of other academic disciplines, the concept of social support for digital inclusion is introduced. It is defined as the aid (emotional, instrumental, and informational) that an individual receives from his/her network in his/her use of digital technologies.

Governments at all levels believe the digitisation of their services and increased interaction with citizens will bring significant advantages in terms of transparency, creation of public value, and improvement of government performance (Al-Hujran, Al-Debei, Chatfield, & Migdadi, 2015). Nonetheless, this evolution towards more digital services and communication by governments raises questions in terms of inclusivity and accessibility. We conducted focus groups with a heterogeneous panel of over 80 citizens, ranging from non-users of digital technologies to high-level users, to study their choice of channel and their perception towards the evolving digitisation of communication and services, applied to the case of spatial planning in Flanders (Belgium). The results reveal that the most decisive channel choice determinants in spatial planning relate to the channel characteristics themselves, the information, the contextual aspect of the communication flow, and digital inequality mechanisms; meaning that (a) citizens opt for local communication channels when interacting with local, regional, and national governments, (b) citizens prefer to be personally informed when the communicated message has a direct impact on them, and (c) more vulnerable digital profiles consider the transition to digital communication by default as problematic.

The discussion on media literacy in Flanders starts in the Flemish Parliament in 2006. It will take until 2013 before the Flemish Government will set up the Knowledge Center for Media Literacy—Mediawijs. Flanders is therefore rather late in establishing a dedicated institute for media literacy. The same can be said for developing a formal policy framework in relation to media literacy. This article starts with a theoretical discussion of three major trends in the current media literacy debate. The article moves on to describe and analyze Flanders media literacy policy debates and policy formulation. It highlights the development and remit of the Knowledge Center for Media Literacy and discusses the innovative role of the public service broadcaster in relation to media literacy. It ends with a reflection of how Flanders media literacy policy can be situated within the theoretical discussion.

Governments at all levels believe the digitisation of their services and increased interaction with citizens will bring significant advantages in terms of transparency, creation of public value, and improvement of government performance (Al-Hujran, Al-Debei, Chatfield, & Migdadi, 2015). Nonetheless, this evolution towards more digital services and communication by governments raises questions in terms of inclusivity and accessibility. We conducted focus groups with a heterogeneous panel of over 80 citizens, ranging from non-users of digital technologies to high-level users, to study their choice of channel and their perception towards the evolving digitisation of communication and services, applied to the case of spatial planning in Flanders (Belgium). The results reveal that the most decisive channel choice determinants in spatial planning relate to the channel characteristics themselves, the information, the contextual aspect of the communication flow, and digital inequality mechanisms; meaning that (a) citizens opt for local communication channels when interacting with local, regional, and national governments, (b) citizens prefer to be personally informed when the communicated message has a direct impact on them, and (c) more vulnerable digital profiles consider the transition to digital communication by default as problematic.

Adoption of digital technology by older adults has become an important topic in academia and the public sphere within the debate on digital inclusion. Likewise, this topic has gained traction in the print media also. This paper assesses the representation of older adults in print media in the past 20 years in The Netherlands and Flanders. A total of 281 articles in the Dutch language were analysed to determine the representation of older adults and their level of agency. We found that they were represented in three manners: a) ambassadors of digital skill acquisition; b) naturally lacking in digital skills; or c) not alone in being helpless. These representations clearly increased during the COVIS-19 crisis. Some representations can be problematic, as the relationship between older adults and digital inclusion is not envisioned positively. Furthermore, they receive no agency to participate actively in the discussion surrounding their own digital inclusion and are too often used as the automatic example of the digitally illiterate – which is not particularly encouraging older adults towards digital skills acquisition.

The pandemic had a considerable impact on youth work in Flanders, as many face-to-face activities had to shift online out of necessity. For many youth organizations, this was their first encounter with digital youth work, either online or in a blended format. Despite this recent boom in digital youth work practices, the concept is not new. It was first mentioned in the 2017 conclusions on smart youth work[1] by the Council of the European Union. Digital youth work is defined as using and discussing digital media/technology in different types of youth work situations, whilst still adhering to the goals, values, and principles of general youth work (Council of the European Union, 2019). While some Flemish youth work organizations focused specifically on digital media before COVID-19, the pandemic has accelerated the uptake of digital youth work. This paper examines the effects of COVID-19 on youth work in Flanders. It explores the challenges and opportunities, using the quick-scan-method to map relevant organizations. [1] "[I]mplementing smart youth work enables young people and youth workers to, based on existing experiences and seeking new connections and means, create innovative solutions (including digital solutions) for coping with both current problems and new challenges. Smart youth work activities are based on the needs of young people and youth workers, and take into account developments in society and technology, including globalisation, networking and e-solutions" (Schlümmer, 2018).

AbstractMedia use can empower people, provided that this is accompanied by a deeper understanding of the actors, processes and structures in the media sector – including media policy. It is, however, to be expected that media users' literacy of media policy is rather limited. This is problematic as the absence of such understanding makes it impossible for citizens to hold the politicians they elected accountable for the media policy they develop. This article explores what media users know about media policy, what they expect to know, and whether they care. We adopted a case-study approach, researching this question for the region of Flanders based on a combination of quantitative (representative survey) and qualitative (49 in-depth interviews) data. While the article focuses on the case of Flanders, its theoretical basis as well as conclusion section are relevant beyond that specific context.

This volume contains contributions from an international array of scholars and provides a global analysis of theoretical approaches to social inequalities as they relate to media and communication, including critical discussions of class and gender analyses and discourses on capitalism and communication technology.