Suchergebnisse

The article presents materials of the semantic reconstruction of ideas of various forms of social protest among young people of two age groups based on the materials of an empirical study conducted in 2020. In the course of the study representatives of two socio-demographic groups of youth from Vladivostok (Primorsky Territory) were interviewed: higher education students aged 18–24 and young adults aged 25–30. The carried out semantic reconstruction allowed to formulate the structural and content characteristics of the young people ideas about the five significant forms of the collective protest: petition, rally, strike, riot and rebellion. The semantic connections of the protest forms with the existential and political values of the young people were revealed. The study also succeeded in reconstructing the emotional component of the protest phenomena ideas. The category structure of the semantic space of ideas about the forms of protest has been determined. Common categories identified on the basis of associations include "values and goals", "subjects", "emotions", "characteristics of a phenomenon", "protest", and "cultural and historical connotations". The general categories of protest assessment, according to the semantic differential (SD), include "iintellectuality and honesty", "hypocrisy and self-interest (honesty)", "peace – aggressiveness", "strength". These categories, identified on the material of associations, in comparison with the categories of thinking obtained using factor analysis of the semantic differential data, allow to reconstruct both rational and unconscious levels of ideas about protest. Comparative analysis of ideas about different forms of protest demonstrates that on an emotional level a rally is the closest to youth. On a rational level, the petition is also positively assessed, while the youth of both groups are dissatisfied with the ineffectiveness of this form in practice. Young people do not associate radical forms of protest (riot and rebellion) with values and goals significant to them. At the affective level, they are perceived mostly negatively.

In general, the identified categories allow to reconstruct the structure of the organization of the subjective experience of perceiving different forms of political and social protest in two age groups of young people. The data obtained in this study can be useful for further study of protest moods, used by state authorities and political parties in practical work.

This article presents material associated with the semantic reconstruction of the images of Russian political figures as viewed by young students, based on material from an empirical study conducted in 2018. While conducting research, students attending higher and secondary professional education institutions in Primorsky Krai were surveyed. Such an undertaking as a semantic reconstruction of the images of Russian political figures allowed for identifying both the substantive and the structural properties of each image. The categorical structure of the semantic space of views on political leaders was defined. The general categories – selected based on associations – primarily include "leadership", "moral and human qualities", "intellectual", "negative personal traits" and "political symbols". The aforementioned categories, which were selected from the material on associations, bear specific similarities with those categories which were established using factor analysis of semantic differential data. The general categories for evaluating leaders based on semantic differential data include, first of all, "intellectual and leadership qualities", "greed and hypocrisy – kindness", "aggression and rudeness – handsomeness". Within the structure of the category "negative personal traits" we can trace subcategories which are inverse to (or which mirror) the positive traits (stupidity is the opposite of intelligence and wisdom, aggressiveness is contrary to kindness). Additionally the substantive characteristics of the images of Russia's four leading political figures (according to young people) were identified. A comparative analysis of the images of Russian politicians shows that positive personal traits, according to the respondents, are most apparently exhibited by Vladimir Putin and Ramzan Kadyrov. Incidentally both of them possess so called "leadership qualities" and high moral characteristics. Such data corresponds with modern Russian society's demand for a competent, strong-willed and righteous leader. All in all the identified categories and groups of traits allow for reconstructing the organizational structure of subjective experience in perceiving political leaders, as well as the political thinking of young people. The data acquired in this study might be useful in the consequent study of the modern Russian people's political awareness, and they could be used by political leaders and parties in conducting practical operations.

The article presents the results of the semantic reconstruction of the image of a political party (the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) as viewed by students of classical and technical universities. This reconstruction allows determining the structure of political thinking typical of the Russian youth. To study students' beliefs and ideas, the authors of the article use the method of semantic differential. The article is based on a unipolar 50-scale semantic differential entitled "political party" and developed by V.V. Kalita and E.B. Marin to evaluate the properties of political parties. The evaluation results were subject to factor analysis in conformity with the method described by V.P. Serkin. The factor analysis of the data determines the evaluation structure used by respondents in relation to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The key axes for evaluating parties are the axes of "pride" and "fear". They contain basic criteria for evaluating parties. These axes, or evaluation criteria, reflect the key categories of political thinking common to the Russian youth. The study results can help develop youth policies of parties and government, as well as contribute to the further study of political ideas common to the Russian youth.