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Theme Fifty years on from the establishment of diplomatic relations between Spain and the People's Republic of China, this analysis examines the main features of the evolution of bilateral relations during the period and reflects on their current status and potential scenarios going forward. Summary After an uncertain start, ties between Spain and China have […]
La entrada A look at the future of relations between Spain and China se publicó primero en Elcano Royal Institute.

Abstract Spanish elite's perceptions of the European Union-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) are positive given its economic and normative prospects and its compatibility with Spain's policy objectives. Spanish Ministry officials and business representatives welcome the potential progress on market access, level-playing field, and sustainable development, as it would offer economic opportunities in the Chinese market and bilateral investment, without precluding increased monitoring of Chinese economic activities. The agreement is in line with their willingness to increase bilateral ties under a normative framework that defends Spanish interests and values. Spanish elites consider that it is compliant with Spain's and the European Union's strategies and characterization of China as a partner, competitor, rival, which acknowledges that China is a key economic and multilateral partner, but also promotes a unified European China strategy, European strategic autonomy, and initiatives that tackle China's challenges related with human rights, or investments in strategic sectors. Hence, Spanish political parties supported the resolution of the European Parliament freezing an eventual ratification of the CAI whilst Chinese sactions against European stakeholders are in place. Spanish elites also value that the agreement does not prevent greater cooperation with the United States, a key ally and more significant partner than China. Some political and private groups have expressed their opposition to the agreement, but their impact is likely to be limited. Finally, the practical implications—and reception—of the agreement will depend of its implementation.

"A thoughtful and well-wrought examination of the India-Pakistan nuclear relationship that offers hope that New Delhi and Islamabad may, in time, retreat from their nuclear stand-off. Through the robust application of the international relations theory, with an emphasis on constructivism, Carranza shows that the two states' nuclear confrontation is not an inescapable dilemma, but one that can become more tractable over time, in particular, because of the influence of global norms against nuclear armaments. Students of IR theory will find Carranza's in-depth application of this scholarly tool to a specific, high-profile case to be of particular value."--Bloomsbury Publishing

Mario Carranza studies in depth the linkages between Indo-Pakistani nuclear relations and the International Nuclear Order. He critically analyzes the de facto recognition by the United States of India and Pakistan as nuclear weapon states and looks at the impact of that recognition on the International Nuclear Order and its linchpin, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The book provides a critical analysis of the New International Nuclear Order sponsored by the United States after the September 11 terrorist attacks and the place of India and Pakistan in that order. The author considers the survival of India and Pakistan in relation to a strategy of nuclear deterrence and debates the possibility of establishing a robust nuclear arms control regime in South Asia as part of a broader effort to revive global nuclear arms control and disarmament negotiations.

Since the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949 until the beginning of the diplomatic truce in 2008, China and Taiwan have competed for being recognized by the states. This article analyzes two of the latest episodes in this competition: Costa Rica and Nicaragua after the return to power of Oscar Arias (2006) and Daniel Ortega (2007). These cases have been chosen due to the surprise caused both by the establishment of relations between San Jose and Beijing, in June 2007, and the continuation of Managua's recognition to Taipei. These paradoxical decisions can be explained because Arias prioritized the economic and diplomatic opportunities provided by China, while Ortega gave preference to development cooperation and in this field Taiwan was a more willing partner than China. Adapted from the source document.