Suchergebnisse

It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: to ‎what extend does the political parties of national minorities influence‎ on the cultural autonomy in Serbia. With an intention of answering ‎the research question the author analize the role of minority parties ‎in establishing of National Minorities Councils (NMCs). NMCs are ‎the main institution of cultural autonomy in Serbia. There are twenty three ‎minority groups who have established National Minority Council,‎ there for author of this paper selected two minority groups as case‎ studies: Hungarian and Croats. Political parties of national minorities‎ play a major role in the integration process, their role in the field ‎of political integration is clear, however, the influence of these parties,‎ as the main generators of national minority interests, on cultural ‎autonomy and social integration has not been sufficiently explored.‎ The aim of this paper is to examine the following hypothesis: Cultural ‎autonomy in Serbia is primarily domain, even monopolized by minorities' ‎parties. In order to determine the character of the impact of‎ political parties on the work of NMCs first step will be to distinguish‎ main features of the model of cultural autonomy applied in Serbia. In ‎following will be given a brief overview of minority parties development ‎with special emphasis on their position in political and party‎ system of Serbia. Finally the impact of minority parties on the functioning‎ of NMCs will be presented, through two parameters: participation ‎in elections for NMCS and decision-making process. The first ‎parameter is dedicated to analysis of the results and the subjects of the ‎campaigns. The second parameter relates to the degree of inclusiveness ‎of the decision-making process.‎

Proces integracije promatramo kroz prizmu pravde, gdje je cilj integracije postizanje pravne i političke jednakosti između manjine i većine. U ovom radu polazi se od ideje da društvo čine dvije osnovne zajednice: kulturna i politička. Prateći ovu dihotomiju zaključuje se da i proces integracije ima dvije dimenzije: političku i društvenu. Proces integracije nacionalnih manjina podrazumijeva njihovo sudjelovanje (integriranost) u politički i društveni život zajednice (države) u kojoj žive. U prvom dijelu rada autorica predstavlja modele političkog predstavljanja nacionalnih manjina, kako bi utvrdila prednosti i mane svakog od njih. U drugom dijelu rada autorica analizira aktivnosti manjinskih stranaka na posljednjim parlamentarnim izborima u Srbiji, izborne programe koje predlažu i rezultate koje su ostvarile. ; The integration process can be perceived through the prism of justice, whereby the aim of integration is to achieve the legal and political equality between minority and majority. This paper is based on the idea that the society has two main communities: cultural and political. Following this dichotomy, one can conclude that the integration of national minorities has two dimensions: political and social. Integration of national minorities involves their participation (integration) in political and social life of the community (state) in which they live. First part of the paper provides the analysis of models of political representation of national minorities in order to determine the advantages and disadvantages of each model. In the second part, the author analyzes the activities of minority parties in the last parliamentary elections in Serbia, the electoral programs which they proposed and the results that have been achieved.

Multiculturalism policy in Serbia is an example of compromises made by monoculturalists between the issues surpassing the conservative paradigm of tolerance for ethnic and cultural differences and the normative protection of their identities. An unsystematised approach to shaping multiculturalism policy led to disregard or misinterpretation of demographic factors. Through the examples of how the rights to ethnic and cultural identities are obstructed for the Bosniak population in Priboj and Aromanians in Serbia, and the analysis of problems stemming from the centralist organisation of minority self-governments, the paper points to the weaknesses of the current multiculturalism policy and the need for introducing demographic criteria for it to be brought into line with the nature of multiethnicity in the country. The paper points to the issues and difficulties arising from this for the Roma national minority in the realisation of their rights. Despite of being a large national minority, its members are not able to enjoy full cultural autonomy because the realisation of rights is not in line with the demographic characteristics of the Roma. A reform of the multiculturalism policy would remove the existing obstacles and enable effective protection of ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities of minorities.

As the loss of Kosovo has been de facto re-inflicted in recent years, the question should be raised as to how great an influence the Kosovo myth wields today. It is particularly interesting to consider the issue in the context of European integration and the fact that recognition of Kosovo and Metohija's self-proclaimed independence is usually stated as an essential condition and a key obstacle to Serbia's accession to the EU. It is an undisputable fact that Kosovo and Metohija and the Kosovo myth are a part of culture, history, religion, and folklore of Serbian people, and it is without doubt difficult to renounce all that, even if personal and collective prosperity is offered in lieu of it, which is deemed by a certain portion of the Serbian public to come as a result of the accession to the EU. The aim of this paper is to establish which portion of public opinion is willing to make such a sacrifice in relation to the current attempts at resolution of the Kosovo question. It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: To what extent does the position on the status of Kosovo and Metohija influence the public opinion on Serbia's membership in the European Union? With an intention of answering the research question the authors rely on the data acquired through empirical-quantitative study The Notions of the EU and Russia in the Serbian Public 2018, Institute of Social Sciences Belgrade, where a structured on-line questionnaire was used as a means of data collection. The study results clearly indicate the popular support for Serbia's accession to the EU while at the same time the method of resolution of the Kosovo question deeply impacts the public opinion on Serbia's membership in the EU. A conclusion can be drawn that, if the public is presented with the choice between Kosovo and the EU, the certainty of citizens opting for the EU will rapidly decline.

As the loss of Kosovo has been de facto re-inflicted in recent years, the question should be raised as to how great an influence the Kosovo myth wields today. It is particularly interesting to consider the issue in the context of European integration and the fact that recognition of Kosovo and Metohija's self-proclaimed independence is usually stated as an essential condition and a key obstacle to Serbia's accession to the EU. It is an undisputable fact that Kosovo and Metohija and the Kosovo myth are a part of culture, history, religion, and folklore of Serbian people, and it is without doubt difficult to renounce all that, even if personal and collective prosperity is offered in lieu of it, which is deemed by a certain portion of the Serbian public to come as a result of the accession to the EU. The aim of this paper is to establish which portion of public opinion is willing to make such a sacrifice in relation to the current attempts at resolution of the Kosovo question. It is the authors' ambition to answer the following question: To what extent does the position on the status of Kosovo and Metohija influence the public opinion on Serbia's membership in the European Union? With an intention of answering the research question the authors rely on the data acquired through empirical-quantitative study The Notions of the EU and Russia in the Serbian Public 2018, Institute of Social Sciences Belgrade, where a structured on-line questionnaire was used as a means of data collection. The study results clearly indicate the popular support for Serbia's accession to the EU while at the same time the method of resolution of the Kosovo question deeply impacts the public opinion on Serbia's membership in the EU. A conclusion can be drawn that, if the public is presented with the choice between Kosovo and the EU, the certainty of citizens opting for the EU will rapidly decline.