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The purpose and goal of this abstract is to demonstrate that image consulting services help boost clients' self-confidence. Our clients at London Image Institute are entrepreneurs and executives. Over years of honing our Executive Presence programs and courses for entrepreneurs we noticed that these techniques, skills and coaching programs are particularly effective in enhancing self-confidence, even in high level business people and entrepreneurs. We will share the agendas of the programs with the readers as well as some of the methods by which we shift mindsets and bring about sustained life-changing skill sets. At the end of each section there will be a short synopsis of the image consulting practices our clients reported were most effective in confidence-building.

This essay argues that while historians of working-class women have generally developed a complex and multi-faceted approach to studying their subjects, that religion has remained largely invisible in such studies. This essay argues for the value of incorporating religion as a category of analysis in the study of working-class women. It provides some discussion of absences in the existing literature, primarily using American and English Canadian examples along with a few forays into relevant British work. More attention is focused on recent literature which does fully incorporate religion into the lives of their subjects, such as work in African-American women's history and within the field of "lived religion". Scholars of lived religion explore religion as part of working-class women's lives, and demonstrate the complex, messy and important ways in which the religious and the secular can combine in everyday lives. This essay explores reasons why most scholars of working-class women have largely ignored religion and argues that the approaches discussed here can point the way forward for the field of working-class women's history. The essay provides examples of particular areas of study, such as motherhood, consumption and women and unions, as areas where our ability to "see" religion as part of women's lives would deepen and strengthen our understanding of these topics.

Feminism has not dealt adequately with issues of stay-at-home motherhood. Most feminists have seen the only solution for mothers' economic vulnerability as being decent paid work and adequate daycare. This ignores the real desires of some women to remain home with young children, alienating many mothers from feminism and failing to provide useful analysis to support those mothers on social assistance now being forced into the workforce by the welfare "reforms" of neo-liberal governments. ; Le féminisme n'a pas traité adéquatement les questions des mères qui restent à la maison. La plupart des féministes n'ont vu qu'une solution à la vulnérabilité économique des m ères comme étant un emploi bien rémunéré et des garderies adéquates. Ceci ignore les désirsréels de certaines femmes de rester à la maison avec leurs jeunes enfants, aliénant bien des mères du féminisme et ne donnant' pas une analyse utile pour appuyer ces mères qui sont sur le bien-être social qui sont maintenant forcées à entrer le marché du travail' par les réformes du bien-être social des gouvernements néo -libéraux.

This article examines the ideals and anxieties about gender, family, and religion expressed in nineteen turn-of-the-century Canadian Christian journals. This article reveals the existence of a range of common ideals across denominations. Idealization of the Christian home was shared as was a profoundly unrealistic idealization of the Christian role of mothers. While religious anxieties were similar in many ways across denominations and regions, they did differ in both expected and more surprising directions. Anxieties about men's religious roles were strongest in British Columbia, where a skewed gender ratio left many men without the "civilizing" and Christianizing influence of white women. While young men were the focus in British Columbia, francophone Catholics tended to focus more attention on the religiously delinquent husband and father. Despite efforts to draw men into family prayer, most denominations recognized the increasingly strong association between women, Christianity, and the home and granted women Christian leadership roles in this important sphere.

The misery of poverty did not differ much by region or population density in late-nineteenth-century Canada, but the nature of the poverty assistance varied considerably: British Poor Laws were implemented in the Maritimes; church-run welfare institutions were widespread in Quebec; & a range of voluntary charitable organizations emerged in Ontario, particularly in the larger urban centers. In contrast, this examination of the nature of poor relief in late-nineteenth-century small-town Ontario, reveals the existence of a mixed economy in social welfare provision. Indeed, the relationship between public & private welfare was more blurred, variable, & personal at the small-town level than at the provincial & urban levels. 1 Table. M. Maguire

AbstractThis article examines Jewish feminists in the British Columbia and Ontario women's movements, particularly among radical and socialist feminists. Feminists within these movements saw organised religion as patriarchal, hostile to the interests of women and thus to be rejected. Using archival and oral history sources, we argue that looking more closely at Jewish feminists within second‐wave feminism can help us to more clearly understand the nature of secularism in the women's movement, its implicit contradictions and unspoken Christian bias. Jewish feminists noted, for example, that Christian holidays such as Christmas or Easter could be seen as secular celebrations, while any celebration of Jewish heritage, even if it emerged from a very secular Jewish socialist culture, was suspect within secular feminist circles, and indeed could be denounced as an acceptance of patriarchy. We analyse the distinctive experiences of Jewish feminists as a minority community within an ostensibly secular women's movement. We argue that Jewish activist women, because of their liminal position within the movement, as both secular feminists and ethnic/religious other, could challenge and reveal the Christian roots of feminist secularism.

This article suggests that the nature of the neoliberal state needs to be more fully explored. Our research on two regional welfare policies in Canada over the past three decades reveals that neoliberal regional states can differ quite remarkably in how they include or exclude their poorer citizens from receiving welfare. By exploring the dramatic changes to welfare in British Columbia and Ontario, we argue that the former follows a "purer" neoliberal model of reduced state involvement and fewer state actors, while the latter increases state expenditure and hires new staff to micromanage the poor. We attempt to explain these differences with attention to historical and contemporary political and religious cultures that deeply affect class, gender, and race relations.

AbstractWhile historians have explored the links between first‐wave feminism and religion, particularly Christianity, in considerable detail in both Canada and the United States, the nature of the relationship between religion, irreligion and second‐wave feminism has received little scholarly attention. This forum explores the complex and troubled intersections between second‐wave feminism, religion and irreligion among Jewish women, both feminist and non‐feminist, a Christian Pentecostal female politician and nonbelieving women.

This article uses oral history interviews to explore the ways in which different attitudes towards family and motherhood could create major tensions between mainstream feminists and immigrant women's activists in Ontario and British Columbia between the 1960s and the 1980s. Immigrant women's belief in the value of the family did not prevent immigrant women from going out to work to help support their families or accessing daycare and women's shelters, hard fought benefits of the women's movement. However, these women demanded access to job training, English language classes, childcare, and women's shelters on their own terms, in ways that minimized the racism they faced, respected religious and cultural values, and respected the fact that the heterosexual family remained an important resource for the majority of immigrant women. Immigrant women activists were less likely to accept a purely gender-based analysis than mainstream feminists. They often sought to work with men in their own communities, even in dealing with violence against women. And issues of violence and of reproductive rights often could not be understood only within the boundaries of Canada. For immigrant women violence against women was often analyzed in relation to political violence in their homelands, while demands for fully realized reproductive rights drew on experiences of coercion both in Canada and transnationally. ; Cet article s'appuie sur des entrevues d'histoire orale pour explorer les façons dont différentes attitudes à l'égard de la famille et de la maternité pouvaient créer des tensions considérables entre les féministes traditionnelles et les femmes immigrantes activistes en Ontario et en Colombie-Britannique entre les années1960 et 1980. L'attachement des femmes immigrantes aux valeurs familiales ne les a pas empêchées d'aller travailler pour aider à nourrir leur famille et de se prévaloir des garderies et des refuges pour femmes battues, avantages gagnés de haute lutte par le mouvement féministe. Toutefois, ces femmes ont exigé d'avoir accès à la formation professionnelle, aux cours d'anglais, aux garderies et aux refuges pour femmes battues à leur façon, de manière à minimiser le racisme qu'elles rencontraient, à honorer leurs valeurs religieuses et culturelles et à respecter le fait que la famille hétérosexuelle restait une ressource importante pour la majorité des immigrantes. Les immigrantes militantes étaient moins susceptibles d'accepter une analyse purement sexospécifique que les féministes traditionnelles. Elles cherchaient souvent à travailler avec les hommes dans leur propre communauté, même dans le domaine de la violence contre les femmes. Et les questions de violence et de droits génésiques ne peuvent souvent pas être comprises uniquement à l'intérieur des frontières du Canada. Pour les femmes immigrantes, la violence à l'égard des femmes était souvent analysée en liaison avec la violence politique dans leur pays d'origine, tandis que leurs exigences en faveur de la pleine réalisation de leurs droits génésiques s'appuyaient sur des expériences de coercition tant au Canada que dans d'autres pays.