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This Spotlight discusses the resurgence of military coups in Sub-Saharan Africa. We argue that an analytical and political focus on coup events misses out on the bigger picture of military influence in politics. Introducing the new Multidimensional Measures of Militarization (M3) dataset, we demonstrate that African countries that were part of the recent wave of coups, previously showed signs of political militarization such as military veto powers and impunity. We conclude that these subtle forms of military influence can serve as early warning indicators for military coups.
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Markus Bayer



Dr. Markus Bayer ist Senior Researcher am Bonn International Centre for Conflict Studies (BICC). // Dr Markus Bayer is a Senior Researcher at Bonn International Centre for Conflict Studies (BICC).

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Der Beitrag Back in Business or Never Out? Military Coups and Political Militarization in Sub-Sahara Africa erschien zuerst auf PRIF BLOG.

After the Colour Revolutions and the Arab Spring the research, linking nonviolent resistance (NVR) and democratisation increased drastically. Nevertheless, research focussing on the effect on democratic consolidation remains scarce. Based on a neo-Tocquevillean understanding of democracy, I argue that NVR against authoritarian rule provides important resources for the development of democratic citizenship and can positively affect democratisation. Because of the struggle for democracy, the individual agency of each citizen rises, enabling him/her to participate and to resist backlashes if necessary. On a collective level and transgressing the circle of the participating activist, the collective agency of the whole population is sustainably affected in creating a collective narrative of the successful struggle of the people. These successful and iconic events provide opportunities to reconnect renewed mass mobilization. Finally yet importantly, such movements are embedded into an international context. Waves of contention like the Arab Spring leave international networks of activists and supporters.

After the Colour Revolutions and the Arab Spring the research, linking nonviolent resistance (NVR) and democratisation increased drastically. Nevertheless, research focussing on the effect on democratic consolidation remains scarce. Based on a neo-Tocquevillean understanding of democracy, I argue that NVR against authoritarian rule provides important resources for the development of democratic citizenship and can positively affect democratisation. Because of the struggle for democracy, the individual agency of each citizen rises, enabling him/her to participate and to resist backlashes if necessary. On a collective level and transgressing the circle of the participating activist, the collective agency of the whole population is sustainably affected in creating a collective narrative of the successful struggle of the people. These successful and iconic events provide opportunities to reconnect renewed mass mobilization. Finally yet importantly, such movements are embedded into an international context. Waves of contention like the Arab Spring leave international networks of activists and supporters. ; Tras las Revoluciones de Colores y la Primavera Árabe, las investigaciones que vinculan la resistencia no violenta (RNV) y la democratización se incrementaron notablemente. Sin embargo, los estudios sobre su efecto en la consolidación democrática siguen siendo escasos. A través de una interpretación neotocquevilleana de democracia, este artículo desarrolla que las protestas de RNV contra gobiernos autoritarios proporcionan recursos importantes para el desarrollo de una ciudadanía democrática y pueden afectar positivamente a la democratización. Como consecuencia de estas luchas, la agencia individual de cada ciudadano aumenta, lo que les permite participar y resistir las represiones si es preciso. A nivel colectivo los activistas participantes sobrepasan sus límites, y la agencia colectiva de toda la población se ve influenciada de forma sostenible al crear una narrativa común sobre el éxito de la lucha. El triunfo de estos hitos simbólicos brinda la oportunidad de reconectar con un movimiento de masas renovado. Por último, estas movilizaciones están integradas en un contexto internacional: las olas de protestas como la Primavera Árabe generan redes internacionales de activistas y simpatizantes.

Tras las Revoluciones de Colores y la Primavera Árabe, las investigaciones que vinculan la resistencia no violenta (RNV) y la democratización se incrementaron notablemente. Sin embargo, los estudios sobre su efecto en la consolidación democrática siguen siendo escasos. A través de una interpretación neotocquevilleana de democracia, este artículo desarrolla que las protestas de RNV contra gobiernos autoritarios proporcionan recursos importantes para el desarrollo de una ciudadanía democrática y pueden afectar positivamente a la democratización. Como consecuencia de estas luchas, la agencia individual de cada ciudadano aumenta, lo que les permite participar y resistir las represiones si es preciso. A nivel colectivo los activistas participantes sobrepasan sus límites, y la agencia colectiva de toda la población se ve influenciada de forma sostenible al crear una narrativa común sobre el éxito de la lucha. El triunfo de estos hitos simbólicos brinda la oportunidad de reconectar con un movimiento de masas renovado. Por último, estas movilizaciones están integradas en un contexto internacional: las olas de protestas como la Primavera Árabe generan redes internacionales de activistas y simpatizantes ; After the Colour Revolutions and the Arab Spring the research, linking nonviolent Resitence (NVR) and democratisation increased drastically. Nevertheless, research focussing on the effect on democratic consolidation remains scarce. Based on a neo-Tocquevillean understanding of democracy, I argue that NVR against authoritarian rule provides important resources for the development of democratic citizenship and can positively affect democratisation. Because of the struggle for democracy, the individual agency of each citizen rises, enabling him/her to participate and to resist backlashes if necessary. On a collective level and transgressing the circle of the participating activist, the collective agency of the whole population is sustainably affected in creating a collective narrative of the successful struggle of the people. These successful and iconic events provide opportunities to reconnect renewed mass mobilization. Finally yet importantly, such movements are embedded into an international context. Waves of contention like the Arab Spring leave international networks of activists and supporters

"Die Bilder ähneln sich: Protestierende Menschenmassen mit bunten Fahnen und Plakaten sammeln sich auf zentralen Straßen und Plätzen. Sie erheben Forderungen gegen Korruption, für ein Leben in Freiheit und Würde, für mehr Mitbestimmung oder gar für das Ende eines Regimes. Straßenproteste und Demonstrationen in urbanen Zentren - zumeist Hauptstädten - bewegen in den letzten Jahren Kontinente übergreifend zahlreiche Länder. Dieser Beitrag skizziert, warum Städte in diesem Kontext eine besondere Relevanz und Dynamik als Konfliktraum aufweisen. Anhand der drei von Gene Sharp eingeführten Kategorien gewaltfreien Widerstandes wird erläutert, wie die Stadt die gewaltfreie Konfliktaustragung begünstigt." (Autorenreferat)

Traditionally, citizenship has been defined as the legal and political link between individuals and their democratic political community. However, traditional conceptions of democratic citizenship are currently challenged by various developments like migration, the rise of populism, increasing polarization, social fragmentation, and the challenging of representative democracy as well as developments in digital communication technology. Against this background, this book reflects recent conceptions of citizenship by bringing together insights from different disciplines, such as political science, sociology, economics, law, and history.

Traditionally, citizenship has been defined as the legal and political link between individuals and their democratic political community. However, traditional conceptions of democratic citizenship are currently challenged by various developments like migration, the rise of populism, increasing polarization, social fragmentation, and the challenging of representative democracy as well as developments in digital communication technology. Against this background, this peer reviewed book reflects recent conceptions of citizenship by bringing together insights from different disciplines, such as political science, sociology, economics, law, and history.

Traditionally, citizenship has been defined as the legal and political link between individuals and their democratic political community. However, traditional conceptions of democratic citizenship are currently challenged by various developments like migration, the rise of populism, increasing polarization, social fragmentation, and the challenging of representative democracy as well as developments in digital communication technology. Against this background, this peer reviewed book reflects recent conceptions of citizenship by bringing together insights from different disciplines, such as political science, sociology, economics, law, and history.

Auf Basis einer Mehrmethoden-Untersuchung aller empirischen Fälle in der Periode von 1960 bis 2007 entwickeln die Autoren dieses Bandes ein Modell der Ursachen von Staatskollaps. In 43 Fallstudien von Kollapsfällen und Vergleichsfällen werden verbreitete quantitative Indikatoren für fragile Staatlichkeit durch die Erhebung qualitativer Faktoren ergänzt. Der Vergleich mittels QCA ermöglicht dadurch erstmals die Überprüfung vieler gängiger Hypothesen. Durch die Ergänzung der QCA-Analysen mit Prozessanalysen können neben der Entwicklung des Kausalmodells neue Risikofaktoren identifiziert, bekannte Konzepte neu formuliert und Wirkungszusammenhänge zwischen Faktoren aufgedeckt werden. Auf diese Weise trägt das Buch zu einem besseren Verständnis von Staatskollaps und seinen Ursachen bei und erschließt bislang unberücksichtigte konzeptionelle und methodische Ansätze für die Forschung. Der Inhalt Staatlichkeit und Staatskollaps. Methodischer Stand der Ursachenforschung und Forschungsdesign. Erklärungsfaktoren von Staatskollaps. Operationalisierung: Konzeptbildung und Fallauswahl. QCA. Process-Tracing und das Kausalmodell von Staatskollaps. Die Zielgruppen Dozierende und Studierende der Politikwissenschaft Die Autoren Dr. Daniel Lambach ist Vertretungsprofessor für Internationale Beziehungen und Entwicklungspolitik an der Universität Duisburg-Essen. Eva Johais und Markus Bayer sind Wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiter im DFG-Projekt "Warum kollabieren Staaten?" am Lehrstuhl für Internationale Beziehungen und Entwicklungspolitik an der Universität Duisburg-Essen

AbstractWhy do some fragile states collapse while others do not? This article presents results from a comparative analysis of the causes of state collapse. Using a dataset of 15 cases of state collapse between 1960 and 2007, we conduct both synchronic and diachronic comparisons with two different control groups of fragile states using crisp-set QCA. The results support our hypothesis that state collapse has multiple causes. The militarization of political groups, when combined with other conditions, plays a major part in the process. Other causal factors are political transition, extreme poverty, declining government resources or external aid, factionalist politics, repression and pre-colonial polities. This challenges structuralist explanations focusing on regime types and the resource curse, among other things, and opens up avenues for further research.