Suchergebnisse

Introduction. The paper describes aspects of the transformation of neo-Ottomanism under Justice and Development Party (JDP) rule in Turkey (2002–2022), with a focus on the situation in Central Asia. Methods and materials. The article employs the case study method and examines the Central Asian vector of Turkish foreign policy from 2002 to 2022. Analysis. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, filling the political power void in Central Asia has been one of Turkey's key foreign policy interests. This interest was reinvigorated by the domestic political transformation in light of the accession of the Justice and Development Party in 2002. The neo-Ottomanism that formed the basis of JDP's foreign policy, on the one hand, elaborated on the Ottomanism of the last century and, on the other hand, mirrored the changes in the political system of the country after 2013, such as the authoritarianization of the ruling regime and the rise of Islam as a tool for public support consolidation. Results. As a result, the conclusion was drawn that over the past twenty years, neo-Ottomanism has come to represent a broadly circumscribed liberal economic approach combined with an appeal not only to the common Ottoman past and pan-Turkic sentiments but also to the Muslim present. Meanwhile, Turkey's cultural and religious rapprochement with the region is driven by its strategic economic interests, for which Central Asia is an integral component of Turkey's new international role. Thus, Turkey's policy towards Central Asian states reverberates the outcome of the transformation of the neo-Ottoman discourse as a product of the country's changing domestic political landscape while shedding light on the strategic priorities it encompasses: becoming a regional hub and a proactive regional power. Authors' contributions. T.V. Marmontova – preparation of the structure of the article, methodology, and review of literature, M.B. Zhiyenbayev – "Regionalization" of foreign policy of Turkey and the place of Central Asia in the pan-Turkic picture of the world, E.A. Vaseneva – assessment of the policy of the Justice and Development Party in Turkey in 2002–2022.

Introduction. The article discusses the features of the regulation of counteraction measures in the initial period of the pandemic. When choosing the object of the study, the authors proceeded from the assumption that the effectiveness of responding to COVID-19 threats is related to the capabilities of public administration systems to be adaptive and respond promptly to changes in the situation. The authors focused on studying the process of adaptation of management systems to a new type of threat, for this purpose the situation in countries with maximum and minimum mortality rates was studied. Methods and materials. The methodology is based on the use of the Evidence-based policy principle, implemented through desk research and event analysis. The chosen methodology made it possible to identify a number of typical response strategies based on attempts of "suppression and deterrence", "mitigation and struggle", "support and assistance", expressed in lockdowns of varying degrees of severity. Analysis. Typical measures in the political sphere include the creation of government crisis response headquarters and the development of national plans to combat the epidemic. Most of the damage received by States during the COVID-19 pandemic is due to underestimation of the situation and risks of biological safety, lack of experience in responding. Results. Conclusions were drawn about the economic and political consequences of the implementation of state strategies, their impact on national security. In particular, it was noted that administrative measures (China) give a quick effect with great complexity of implementation, but most states prefer to balance between the necessary restrictions and maintaining the viability of economies. As a result, the final conclusion was made that the practice of crisis management should become an integral part of government responses to shocks in the future.