Suchergebnisse

This paper aims to shed light on the right to information and the freedom of the media in the context of the COVID-19 outbreak. Infection disease outbreaks are invariably characterized by myths and rumors, boosted by social media accounts, that media often pick up and circulate. Under the justification to avoid panic and confusion, and to combat "fake news" during the COVID-9 pandemic, some governments took emergency measures that curtail the freedom of information. The lack of a legal definition of the term "fake news" leaves room for arbitrary and broad interpretations. Decrees issued during the state of emergency – including the practice of detaining journalists for their work and the abuse of pre-trial detention and Internet censorship – sound like measures adopted to restrict the freedom of expression and the freedom of the media, and to shout down dissenting voices. Any kind of pressure against journalists has an immediate consequence, not only on them but also on the public's right to be informed. Media play a key role in providing important information to the public, and a pluralistic and vibrant media landscape is indispensable to any democratic society. Access to information and a free working environment are therefore essential and need to be ensured at all times, even under state of emergency. Authorities cannot invoke the state of emergency or national security as a motivation to suspend or limit fundamental human rights. The fight against COVID-19 can be a pretext for restricting civil liberties. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

War and politics are closely interrelated. If it is assumed, as in the case of Clausewitz's famous principle, that "war is a mere continuation of policy by other means. is not merely a political act, but also a truly political instrument, a continuation of political commerce, a carrying out of the same by other means" (Von Clausewitz, 1976), then it should be acknowledged that war is a political act. But Foucault inverts Clausewitz's traditional conception of war and says that politics is the continuation of war by other means (Foucault, 2006: 165). Here the emphasis of the discussion on war moves on politics. So, how to limit conflict within the political arena? The question shifts from the concept of armed conflict (i.e., war) to that of political conflict, in which nations confront against each other with alternate means such assanctions, coercive diplomatic efforts, economic warfare, or as prelude to war (Carisch et al., 2017). ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This brief study focuses on skin as sensory interface, and explores the latest discoveries in bioelectronic science. The work analyzes at what extent invisibility is possible by emulating nature, and if military applications can really benefit from technology that combines epidermal systems and virtual reality. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The freedom of the press –or the freedom of expression –traces its roots in the enlightenment period. Oftenpresented as the "fourth power" – sometimes as "counter-power" –free press is considered a feature of liberal-democracies, and a fundamental human right.This brief article explores the validity of these definitions and the role of the press in democratic societies characterized by governments constrained by checks and balances. Most of this paper draws on my previously published works. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This review study, presented at the 2nd World Conference on Advanced Materials for Defense (AuxDefense 2020), focuses on skin as sensory interface and explores the latest discoveries in bioelectronic science. The work analyzes at what extent invisibility is possible by emulating nature, and if military applications can really benefit from technology that combines epidermal systems and virtual reality — and from next generation of wearable textile computing technologies. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

Threats from Africa undermine the security of Europe. The European Union and NATO have 22 member countries in common, namely most of EU member states. The fundamental role of the Atlantic Alliance is to safeguard the freedom and security of its member countries by political and military means. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, non-state actors and hybrid threats emerged as the major challenges to international security. NATO is evolving in response to new strategic reality, and terrorism and weak states are among the most pressing challenges the Alliance faces. NATO is playing an increasingly important role in crisis management and peacekeeping. Since the African Union was established in 2001 as the successor to the Organization of African Unity, it faces difficulties in achieving the African ownership in peace and security. The chronic lack of funding and of appropriate military resources, makes the African Union depending on external aid – NATO provides military support, while the EU provides money. NATO cooperates with the AU since 2005, and all NATO-AU activities are coordinated with the EU. The NATO-EU partnership is complementar and mutual, and is based on common values and strategic interests, and should be strengthened to secure the European southern border, and to guarantee security in the Mediterranean region. Therefore, stronger and permanent NATO-EU partnership in Africa would be desirable. This brief paper investigates the ties between these three organizations, and suggests some recommendations to improve the 'trilateral' relationship to ensure security to their member states. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Le minacce transnazionali sorte dopo l'11 settembre 2001, impongono agli Stati di rivedere l'organizzazione e la politica di sicurezza. La difficile congiuntura economica e finanziaria, sopravvenuta nel 2008, obbliga i governi a tagli di bilancio, nell'ottica di maggiori risparmi ed efficienze di sistema, attraverso l'uso di strutture e mezzi comuni, e il coordinamento delle forze e dei servizi di sicurezza. Il dibattito sulla militarizzazione della sicurezza, mentre da un lato preoccupa il potere politico e la società civile, sembra essere l'unica risposta in grado di prevenire, e eventualmente intervenire efficacemente, in caso di attacchi e minacce globali. Si tratta di passare da una visione dualistica di sicurezza interna e difesa nazionale, a una visione monistica di national security. Il Portogallo, dopo la difficile fase seguita alla Rivoluzione dei garofani del 25 aprile 1974, che ha posto fine al regime dell'Estado Novo, ha aspettato 10 anni prima di mettere mano all'organizzazione della sicurezza interna, a causa degli abusi perpetrati dalla PIDE/DGS, e questa attesa ha permesso una serie di attentati terroristici tra il 1979 e il 1983. Già nel 1982, i militari sono stati esclusi dalla vita politica del paese, tramite leggi di riforma costituzionale. Alla luce del mutato quadro internazionale, e delle nuove minacce, le Forze Armate chiedono, in vista dell'approvazione dell'8° Revisione costituzionale, che vengano rimossi i paletti che ne impediscono l'utilizzo in caso di crisi, sottraendole altresì alla subordinazione al potere civile. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This study analyzes the political reasons that allowed the Islamic State to expand successfully in Syria and Iraq, by enabling to "franchise" worldwide, and the role of the regional governments in this issue. The article provides a different explanation from the classic approach of the "clash of civilizations" theorized by Samuel P. Huntington, ascribing responsibility for the growth and expansion of the Islamic State to the complex framework of geopolitical alliances within the Muslim civilization and the Arab world. The article highlights the attempt by Turkey to establish itself as a regional power and guidance of the Islamic world, by resurrecting the Caliphate, and, based on this, explains the contrast with the Islamic State, whose goal is the foundation of a globalized Caliphate. The plans of the Turkish President Erdogan for a Great Turkey, allied with Egypt, have foundered with the coup that ousted the Muslim Brotherhood from power. The study relates the connection of Ankara with the Kurds, regarding the management of the crisis in Syria and Iraq, and the Turkish liaison with regional powers (Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Israel) and other powers (Russia, China, and the United States). ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

This paper analyzes the situation of some states (Abkhazia, Nagorno Karabakh, South Ossetia and Transnistria), de facto independent after the dissolution of the USSR, which have been being in a limbo for 25 years, hovering between being considered 'fake states' and from getting the international legal status to which aspire. There is the problem of identifying the objective requirements for their largely recognition, which otherwise remains merely a discretionary choice of the other actors in the international society, based on purely political requirements and economic interests. In a world made up of states, which are the main actors on the international stage, how can these entities get the 'certification' of de jure sovereign states? ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article addresses the problem of international law enforcement within the War on Cyberterrorism. Hybrid conflicts have replaced the traditional ones, and new threats have emerged in cyberspace, which has become a virtual battlefield. Cyber threats - cybercrimes, cyberterrorism, cyberwarfare - are a major concern for Western governments, especially for the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The international community has begun to consider cyberattacks as a form of terrorism, to which the same measures apply. Because the term "terrorism" is ambiguous and legaly undefined, there is no consensus on a definition of the derivative term "cyberterrorism", which is left to the unilateral interpretations of states. Pretending to consider the cyberspace domain as traditional domains, and claiming to apply IHL for the sole purpose of lawfully using armed forces in contrast to cyberterrorism is a stretch. This paper addresses the question of whether or not current laws of war and international humanitarian law apply to cyber domain, and gives some recommendations on how to tackle this issue. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

The article is a little research, carried out in the seminars of International Relations of the Ph.D. program in History, Studies of Security and Defense. The aim of the work is to highlight the role of propaganda during the conflicts in the contemporary age, particularly during the two World Wars. The propaganda developed during two major conflicts of the '900 as a 'true weapon' and instrument of government policy in international relations, has perfected the techniques of 'news management', and today is a real and relished 'art' applied to guide public opinion in favor of government decisions. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The aim of this essay is to highlight the role of propaganda during the conflicts in the contemporary age, particularly during the two World Wars. The propaganda developed during two major conflicts of the '900 as a true 'weapon' and instrument of government policy in international relations, has perfected the techniques of 'news management', and today is a real and relished 'art' applied to guide public opinion in favor of government decisions. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This paper aims to trace the origins of the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the European integration process. It is a transcontinental journey that connects the French and the American revolution under the achievements and the principles of the Enlightenment. It is the history of contemporary Europe, from the French Revolution to the tragedy of World War II. In the process of European integration the institutions overlap, and find in the Council of Europe, an institution larger than the European Union, the moment in which these rights are codified. These principles, which are the basis of European values, have been embodied in the European Convention on Human Rights, one of the most advanced instruments on the protection of fundamental human rights. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

The European Union security and counter-terrorism strategy adopted after 11 September 2001 has not been effective, instead resulted in the increase of Islamist terrorist incidents. Europe has been hit by a wave of terrorist attacks, which demonstrates the limits of the Security and Defence Policy. The EU short-term strategy, tending only to hit terrorist organisations, has not produced the expected effects: attacks in Europe, rather than decreasing, have increased. Little or nothing has been done to develop a successful preventive strategy. After the early 2000s, there is hardly registered Islamic attack within the EU, due to the change in the Al-Qaeda strategy. The recrudescence recorded after 2014 coincides with the rise of ISIS.