Suchergebnisse

1. Introduction -- 2. Forced Disappearances of Persons in Mexico: Drugs, Social Control and Regimes of Violence -- 3. Forced Internal Migration in Mexico: Displacement, Stigmatization and Expectations in Chichihualco, Guerrero -- 4. Systemic Gender Violence in Mexico: Normalization, Silencing and the Colonization of Bodies-Territories -- 5. Conclusions. State Violence: Archives, Bodies, Territories.

PurposeThe purpose of the article is to show the regime of truth in the institutional commissions that have the objective of restoring history by establishing a democratic, equitable, comprehensive, inclusive and fair criterion against the attempts of re-victimization and suppression of memory that Western political and cultural traditions have installed through their mechanisms of power.Design/methodology/approachBased on the analysis of the cases of Inés Fernández Ortega and Valentina Rosendo Cantú, they establish the material conditions from which prejudices and hegemonic stereotypes are intertwined to reproduce serious violations of human rights in democratic political and epistemic frameworks. The colonial function of the truth commissions in Mexico is analyzed, which are presented as mechanisms for social development, political and colonial reproduction of liberal democracy.FindingsThe qualitative results allow considering the way in which the different truth commissions in Mexico have been strongly linked to epistemic mechanisms in which truth and justice favor the reproduction of established relationships based on race, social class and gender. Especially in the so-called democratic transition, violence, truth and justice come together to highlight power relations in situations that have been disavowed by the intelligentsia.Research limitations/implicationsThe limitations of the research are found in the historical configuration of the truth commissions in Mexico. The data, references and assessments are crossed by the initial function of the truth commissions and the establishment of apparatuses and mechanisms based on transitional justice. Based on this, it can be considered a methodological oversight to shift the analysis of truth commissions toward a critical assessment of the truth as a regime of government and hegemonic and colonization criteria from two very specific cases.Originality/valueThe originality of the work is found in the critical discernment of truth as a political category and the coloniality of power.

The objectives of the educational policies of the current Mexican government through the New Mexican School (NEM) propose a democratic, equitable, comprehensive, inclusive and intercultural education, the country's structural inequality remains. Educational policies, strongly linked to race, social class and gender relations, favors the reproduction of a conservative educational strategy that places native communities in a colonial epistemic relationship, favoring prejudices, biases and hegemonic stereotypes that affect the exercise of fundamental human rights. The coexistence with students of the Universidad de la Tierra-CIDECI in the framework of the stay at the International Center for Social Innovation (CIIS) of the Tecnológico de Monterrey, the words shared among the students and the research on the Zapatista educational practice and the decolonial theory, fostered a critical political-educational analysis that situates the Universidad de la Tierra-CIDECI model as an alternative to the exclusion, standardization, exploitation and disregard for the native communities and their ways of life in the current neoliberal capitalism. The Universidad de la Tierra-CIDECI project constitutes a decolonial process of autonomy, gender equity, and defense of the territories. ; Los objetivos de las políticas educativas del actual gobierno mexicano a través de la Nueva Escuela Mexicana (NEM) proponen una educación democrática, equitativa, integral, inclusiva e intercultural, la desigualdad estructural del país se mantiene. Las políticas educativas, fuertemente vinculada a las relaciones de raza, clase social y género favorece la reproducción de una estrategia educativa conservadora que coloca a las comunidades originarias en una relación epistémica colonial, favoreciendo los prejuicios, sesgos y estereotipos hegemónicos que afectan el ejercicio de los derechos humanos fundamentales. A partir de la convivencia con estudiantes de la Universidad de la Tierra-CIDECI en el marco de la estancia en el Centro Internacional para la ...

The United Nations call on climate change generates governmental and economic macro-narratives that are presented as expressions of validation and inclusion admitted by univocal forms of development and progress, as well as are reproduced by Civil Society, but contrasted by the original communities of the Mexican population who present ethical, political and environmental perspectives. In the present work, adaptation to climate change is evidenced as a requirement of the modes of development and progress generated by a world structure of neocolonial and capitalist projects, and it is realized how colonialist strategy disavows the singular and concrete forms of environmental care of a variety of collectives and popular organizations scattered throughout the Mexican territory. For this, the Mayan Train project and the Morelos Integral Project are considered as standard models and reference of a documentary hermeneutic of popular actions and of indigenous communities with actions, arguments and governmental decisions, which proceed vertically and institutionally in the transformation process and territorial care. The results are crossed by the signaling and discrediting of the commitment of the different groups to care for the environment, as well as the persistence of practices from extractivist and neocolonial logics, whose dynamics continue to expose the lives of the people who are in defense of the Earth. To conclude, adaptation to climate change is affirmed as an inclusion tactic for native people that results in death and precariousness. ; La convocatoria de las Naciones Unidas ante el cambio climático genera macronarrativas gubernamentales y económicas que se presentan como expresiones de validación e inclusión admitidas por formas unívocas de desarrollo y progreso, así también son reproducidas por la Sociedad Civil, pero contrastadas por las comunidades originarias de la población mexicana quienes presentan perspectivas éticas, políticas y ambientales. En el presente trabajo se evidencia la adaptación al cambio climático como una exigencia de los modos de desarrollo y progreso generada por una estructura mundial de proyectos neocoloniales y capitalistas, y se da cuenta de la manera en que estrategia colonialista desautoriza las formas singulares y concretas de cuidado ambiental de una variedad de colectivos y organizaciones populares diseminados por el territorio mexicano. Para ello, se considera el proyecto del Tren Maya y el Proyecto Integral Morelos como modelos tipo y referencia de una hermenéutica documental de acciones populares y de las comunidades originarias con las acciones, argumentos y decisiones gubernamentales, que proceden de forma vertical e institucional en el proceso de transformación y cuidado territorial. Los resultados se encuentran atravesados por el señalamiento y la desacreditación del compromiso de los distintos colectivos por el cuidado del medio ambiente, así como la persistencia de las prácticas desde lógicas extractivistas y neocoloniales, cuya dinámica sigue exponiendo la vida de las personas que se encuentra en defensa de la Tierra. Para concluir se afirma la adaptación al cambio climático como una táctica de inclusión para los pueblos originarios que redunda en muerte y precarización.

"This book examines the roots of systemic aggression against women in contemporary Mexico, and the connection between social practices and the institutional permissiveness of the Mexican State with regard to gendered violence. Since the democratic transition at the end of the 1990s, Mexico has registered an increase in the intensity and types of violence that have made life in some regions almost unsustainable. The chapters in this volume consider that capitalism, colonialism and patriarchy are interrelated processes that employ the technologies of gender and race as a continuation of the symbolic hegemony that treats feminized and racialized bodies as disposable. Against this background, it becomes necessary to understand from different dimensions the systemic violence against women, as well as the processes of articulation between social practices and the permissiveness of the State in the face of aggression. Gender-Based Violence in Mexic mobilizes a dialogue between writings, fields of knowledge, causes and situations as essential tools for the struggle against gender violence. As a situated work that underlines the systematic roots of the violence that keeps women in subaltern positions, the text seeks an insurrection, an uprising of the bodies that invite naming the abject, peripheral, and unseen populations of the project of globalized life, woven by the obsession of success and prestige. It presents a counter-conclusion in the manner of a beginning in the desire to elaborate counter-political and counter-pedagogical strategies of non-coercive experiences, where questions and debates are not a sign of belligerence, but of vitality and care for the body-territories. Gender-Based Violence in Mexico will appeal to scholars of sociology, criminology, gender studies and Latin American studies with interests in gendered violence and injustice"--