Suchergebnisse

The research on smaller learning communities is extensive, and the benefits are documented, compelling, and persuasive. While the practice can become the engine for higher achievement, stakeholders must adjust to a new paradigm of school operations. In many cases, prior procedures and traditions must be abandoned to achieve academic, social, and school environmental goals. Several unknown factors exist in Georgia's high schools as administrators attempt to find programs and procedures to meet the needs of rapidly growing and diverse student populations. First, little is known about the experiences of Georgia high school principals implementing smaller learning communities, nor the forces surrounding the transitions. Second, little is known of the strategies used by administrators for dealing with the constraining forces of restructuring their organizations. The researcher conducted in-depth interviews with administrators in nine Georgia high schools. Based on Kert Levin's work with force field analysis and using Bolman and Deal's frameworks for categorizing restructuring strategies, the researcher analyzed the compelling and constraining forces as well as strategies used by administrators to overcome the constraining forces. The researcher categorized the strategies utilized by 2 administrators to overcome constraining forces into four categories of change: structural; human resources; political; and symbolic. The researcher identified seven compelling forces for Georgia high school principals implementing SLCs, including: accountability; achievement; affiliation/belonging; data-driven decision making; equity; teacher attitudes and satisfaction; and truancy and dropouts. Seven constraining forces for Georgia high school principals implementing SLCs were identified, including: cultural expectations; demands on staff; fiscal and physical constraints; implementation strategies; large numbers within smaller learning communities; laws, regulations, policies, and procedures; and rigidity, defensiveness, and low expectations. In analyzing the strategies utilized by administrators to overcome constraining forces, the researcher found that the majority of strategies fell within the human resource framework. The second largest group of responses fell within the structural framework followed by the symbolic framework and lastly the political framework. The analysis of these strategies for reframing organizations may provide a better understanding for administrators seeking to implement smaller learning communities or other forms of comprehensive high school reorganization.

Preliminary Material /Gregory Martin , Donna Houston , Peter McLaren and Juha Suoranta -- Critical pedagogy "After the Storm" /Donna Houston and Gregory Martin -- Hurricane Spectacles and the Crisis of the Bush Presidency /Douglas Kellner -- The Media and Hurricane Katrina: Floating Bodies and Disposable Populations /Henry A. Giroux -- Katrina and the Banshee's Wail: The Racialization of Class Exploitation /Peter Mclaren and Nathalia E. Jaramillo -- Nature in Our Midst /Ville Lähde -- A Pedagogy of the Dispossessed: Toward a Red State of Decolonization, Sovereignty and Survivance /Sandy Grande -- Denatured Spirit: Neo-Colonial Social Design /Norm W. Sheehan , Janine Dunleavy , Tamar Cohen and Sean Mitchell -- Fair Go Mate and Un-Australian: Australian Socio-Political Vernacular /Dale Kerwin -- Fabricating Reconciliation: Howard's Forgettable Speech /Annette Woods and Gregory Martin -- Re(a)d and White: Discussing Ethnicities and the Teaching of Whiteness /Alison Sammel and Shauneen Pete -- Don't You See How the Wind Blows? /Olli-Pekka Moisio , Robert Fitzsimmons and Juha Suoranta -- Major Intentional Social Changes as a Political Perspective /Olli Tammilehto -- A Curriculum for a Secure Future: Agenda for Reform /Alexander Lautensach and Sabina Lautensach -- Deconstructed Touraine: The Radical Sociologist for the Sake of Social Actors and Society /Tapio Litmanen -- Biography /Gregory Martin , Donna Houston , Peter McLaren and Juha Suoranta.

Law enforcement should make sure their officers are not using social media to harm themselves, violate the integrity of the profession, or bring a bad light to the local government that law enforcement serves. Law enforcement agencies should develop a policy that will limit the use of social media in order to protect the officers and the community. The policy should not be to prevent law enforcement from using social media, but instead should be to protect the officer and the agency. Law enforcement officers have posted online material that may cause danger to themselves or their families. Some law enforcement officers have posted online images or stories that have brought into question their integrity, caused cases to be dismissed from court, or in some cases, to be relieved of duty. Limiting the use of social media or other online activities can increase work productivity, create safer actions while at work, and provide a safer environment for the citizens of the community that law enforcement serves. Without a policy that will limit the use of social media, law enforcement agencies are not providing the best service to the community, thus posing a danger to the community and not upholding the ethical obligation to law enforcement.

The ability to veto legislation is the most important formal power of the presidency in the legislative process, and presidents' veto behavior has thus attracted a great deal of theoretical interest. Game-theoretic models of congressional—presidential interactions explain vetoes by incorporating incomplete information over the distribution of presidential or congressional types. In this article, I examine two prominent such theories, as well as a simple "noisy" extension of a complete information theory. I show that each makes strong predictions not only about vetoes themselves but also about the resulting override votes; given that overrides are so closely connected with vetoes, any valid theory of the latter must be able to successfully explain the former. I test these predictions empirically and show that support for each of these theories in presidential veto and override data from 1973 to 2008 is quite weak. This negative result suggests that current models of the veto are incomplete; I sketch some possibilities for extension in the conclusion.