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Under which circumstances do voters turn against governing parties for their performance in office? This question forms the basis of the considerable research field often referred to as the 'VP‐literature', which seeks to explain support for governments as a function of economic and political outcomes. After thirty years and more than 200 studies the economic part of the VP‐function still remains much better explored than the political part. In addition, focus has almost solely been on the national level so far. The present study therefore sets out to bridge the gap between the VP‐literature and the field of coalition studies to examine the relevance of the VP‐function for local elections. The ambition is to arrive at a more satisfactory understanding of the political part of the model. Results from the two most recent Norwegian local elections, in 1995 and 1999, reveal that the electoral liability associated with office is almost three percentage points. The multivariate analysis then tests systematically under which economic and political conditions local incumbents suffer the most electorally. The rate of unemployment plays an important role in how the voters evaluate the incumbents, since each extra percentage point of unemployment translates into additional loss for the incumbents. The levels of local fees and charges and service coverage are also significant. Political characteristics are furthermore highly relevant, since the numerical status of the government is in fact one of the most important predictors of electoral success, the advantage enjoyed by minority cabinets over majority coalitions amounting to more than three percentage points of the popular vote. Other important political determinants of local electoral performance are one‐party status, national support and ideological closeness.

The politics of European local government is often assumed to take place in a rather depoliticised and non‐partisan environment. This feature is especially apparent in Norway, where local government institutions are designed to create a high degree of consensus and accommodation. No local cabinet takes office, and therefore no formal roles of a majority government and an opposition are offered. This paper tells a different story, however. Following the 1999 elections many municipalities are now experiencing partisan cooperation based on binding political agreements. In these cases the common practice of proportional distribution of the important political positions is replaced with a 'winner takes all' principle, as only the majority constellation is rewarded with office payoffs. Given that this form of cooperation is the closest analogue to any cabinet formation at the local level, it is clearly of interest to uncover under which conditions it occurs. The empirical analysis therefore uses variation in structural, socioeconomic and political characteristics to predict the local coalition behaviour. The empirical model captures some important determinants in the variation of structural characteristics, and, as expected, explicit and binding coalition agreements are found in the large and central municipalities. Socioeconomic setting is furthermore important, since municipalities with a high degree of financial autonomy and poor policy performance experience this kind of formalised cooperation more frequently. Systematic effects are also found for political characteristics, with electoral volatility, party fragmentation and functional organisation models all increasing the probability of coalition agreements.

The growing literature on individual determinants of subjective well-being has given little attention to political factors. This paper considers the welfare state, and how social expenditure affects individuals' self-reported life satisfaction. The statistical analysis uses indicators of subjective well-being, reflecting individuals from OECD-countries between 1980 and 2012, with data gathered from the Eurobarometer and the World Values Survey - which are analysed in comparison. The results suggest that social spending should be studied in terms of underlying branches when addressing its implications. The results find social spending to be uncorrelated with levels of subjective well-being when considered in terms of total levels. When considered as types of spending however, a majority of the elements are found to have significant impacts. The findings show mixed results among the two data sets; however, important similarities are found in the way social spending related to health care and poverty are having positive impacts, and spending associated with unemployment and labour market programmes have negative impacts. As the correlations of the underlying elements affect life satisfaction in different directions, total social spending appears to be uncorrelated with subjective well-being, although the true impact depends on which socialpolicies are being promoted through such spending.

Thomas Halvorsen,1 Pål E Martinussen21SINTEF Technology and Society, Department for Health Research, 2Department of Sociology and Political Science, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, NorwayBackground: The common comorbidities associated with COPD include, among others, anxiety, depression, and insomnia, for which the typical treatment involves the use of benzodiazepines (BZD). However, these medicines should be used with extra caution among COPD patients, since treatment with traditional BZD may compromise respiratory function. Aims: This study investigated the use of BZD among persons suffering from COPD by analyzing three relevant indicators: 1) the sum of defined daily doses (DDD); 2) the number of prescribers involved; and 3) the number of different types of BZD used. Data and methods: The study builds on a linkage of national prescription data and patient–administrative data, which includes all Norwegian drug prescriptions to persons hospitalized with a COPD diagnosis during 2009, amounting to a total of 5,380 observations. Regression techniques were used to identify the patients and the clinical characteristics associated with BZD use. Results: Of the 5,380 COPD patients treated in hospital during 2009, 3,707 (69%) were dispensed BZD during the following 12 months. Moreover, they were dispensed on average 197.08 DDD, had 1.22 prescribers, and used 0.98 types of BZD during the year. Women are more likely to use BZD for all levels of BZD use. Overnight planned care not only increases the risk of BZD use (DDD), but also the number of prescribers and the types of BZD in use.Conclusion: In light of the high levels of BZD prescription found in this study, especially among women, it is recommended that general practitioners, hospital specialists, and others treating COPD patients should aim to acquire a complete picture of their patients' BZD medication before more is prescribed in order to keep the use to a minimum. Keywords: benzodiazepine use, defined daily doses, number of prescribers, patient and clinical characteristics, Norway, population based study

The main emphasis in coalition studies has so far been on national coalitions—with the local level being rather overlooked—and in most studies estimating the impact of local politics researchers have used various indicators of the electoral strength of parties as their main political variable. In this analysis we investigate the genuine composition of coalitions in each and every municipality in Norway, describing which parties serve as the majority base for the mayor and the deputy mayor. This approach gives us the opportunity to investigate both the impact of the genuine political office holders, as well as the structural properties of coalitions, on policy output. Using a decomposition of school expenditure suggested by Falch and Ratts0, we are able to ask in what ways money is spent inside the sector, in addition to how much money is spent. The empirical results show that coalitions can be linked to policy output; the preferred spending objects vary both according to the parties forming the coalition and the structural composition of the coalition.

Lifestyle-induced diseases are becoming a burden on healthcare, actualizing the discussion on health responsibilities. Using data from the National Association for Heart and Lung Diseases (LHL)'s 2015 Health Survey (N = 2689), this study examined the public's attitudes towards personal and social health responsibility in a Norwegian population. The questionnaires covered self-reported health and lifestyle, attitudes towards personal responsibility and the authorities' responsibility for promoting health, resource-prioritisation and socio-demographic characteristics. Block-wise multiple linear regression assessed the association between attitudes towards health responsibilities and individual lifestyle, political orientation and health condition. We found a moderate support for social responsibility across political views. Respondents reporting unhealthier eating habits, smokers and physically inactive were less supportive of health promotion policies (including information, health incentives, prevention and regulations). The idea that individuals are responsible for taking care of their health was widely accepted as an abstract ideal. Yet, only a third of the respondents agreed with introducing higher co-payments for treatment of 'self-inflicted' conditions and levels of support were patterned by health-related behaviour and left-right political orientation. Our study suggests that a significant support for social responsibility does not exclude a strong support for personal health responsibility. However, conditional access to healthcare based on personal lifestyle is still controversial.