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The article substantiates the resources of social interaction "teacher – student" in preventing the crisis of motivation in student learning and highlights areas for improvement. To study the motivation of the modern student youth, the author used methods for determining learning motives (modified by A.A. Rean, V.A. Yakunin), methods for diagnosing the internal motivation for learning (T.D. Dubovytska), method "Value Orientations" (M. Rokeach), method "SAMOAL", author's questionnaire "I master the profession". In the process of analysis of the obtained results, the methods of descriptive statistics were used: determination of average values and frequency analysisConclusions based on the results of an empirical study of learning motivation are presented. Key aspects of the theory of motivation and factors of motivation of the person to educational activity are noted. It is noted that the interaction of a teacher and the students is a situational factor motivating educational activities, it is able to actualize a significant number of learning motives, to ensure the effectiveness of procedural and effective component. The author claims that in the interaction of a teacher with the students there is a wide range of opportunities to ensure positive flow experiences of both parties. Among them - the ability to meet the needs of students in security (by forming readiness for adult independent life: mastering the profession, a sense of support from others), respect and self-esteem (by forming competencies and awareness), self-actualization and self-realization (by ensuring individual choices, interests) in educational activities. The components of social interaction of teachers with students aimed at maintaining the motivation of learning and prevention of the crisis of motivation are offered. The program of seminars-trainings for scientific and pedagogical workers of the universities is described, which provides elaboration of various aspects of interaction with students, important for maintaining their motivation for educational activity. Limitations: the article contains the results of a study of student motivation conducted by the author before the pandemic, which could make adjustments to the prevailing motives for learning; signs of crisis of learning motivation and risks of its occurrence are described according to the teaching experience of the author and colleagues, no data were collected on the spectrum of their manifestation and frequency in a representative sample; the conclusion about the resources of social interaction "teacher – student" in preventing the crisis of learning motivation is based on a theoretical understanding of the problem of motivating individuals to work and requires further long-term and thorough research to obtain more specific data.

The initial version of the Constitution of Ukraine established a form of government that can be classified as mixed republican only conditionally. Elements of presidentialism inherent in this form of government indicate a significant distortion of the essence of a mixed republic. The form of government fundamentally limited the influence of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on the executive branch and administratively subordinated it to the President of Ukraine. Securing the leading role of the President of Ukraine in the state mechanism, the form of government did not establish some of the fundamentally important elements of a mixed republic. Despite the obvious functional similarity of the form of government with the presidential republic, it was not identical to it. This form of government did not show a "rigid" separation of powers and anticipated the institutions that were atypical for a presidential republic. Therefore, the form of government established by the primary edition of the Constitution of Ukraine cannot be defined either as a mixed republican or presidential. This atypical form of government occupied, in fact, an intermediate position between these two types of republic. The amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine dated on December 8, 2004 brought the form of government closer to a "full-fledged" mixed republic and, on the whole, ensured its compliance with the criteria of a parliamentary-presidential republic. The form of government limits the influence of the President of Ukraine on the executive branch in favor of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The parliamentary method of forming the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine and its parliamentary responsibility have shifted the center of political attraction to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. By changing the mechanism of government accountability to society, the form of government makes it possible to identify the parties whose political course is carried out by the Government. The amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine dated on December 8, 2004 eliminated the administrative subordination of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine to the President of Ukraine and ensured a real dualism of the executive branch. At the same time, the existing form of government demonstrates a number of serious defects and it is filled with the risks of constitutional conflicts. In the Fundamental Law, the mechanism of interaction between the highest bodies of the state is regulated fragmentarily, and their competence relationships are contradictory. As a result, in conditions of party confrontation, the form of government significantly loses its functionality. The construction of a "full-fledged" mixed republic in Ukraine requires the constitutional consolidation of its most important elements in its natural form. ; Pierwotna wersja Konstytucji Ukrainy ustanowiła taką formę rządu, którą tylko warunkowo można zaliczyć do republikańskiej mieszanej. Elementy prezydencjalizmu, które są nieodłącznie z tą formą rządu związane, wskazują na znaczne zniekształcenie istoty republiki mieszanej. Forma rządu zasadniczo ograniczała wpływ Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy na władzę wykonawczą i podporządkowywała ją administracyjnie Prezydentowi Ukrainy. Zapewniając wiodącą rolę Prezydenta Ukrainy w mechanizmie państwowym, forma rządu nie ustalała niektórych fundamentalnie ważnych elementów republiki mieszanej. Pomimo tego, że forma rządu jest podobna funkcjonalnie do republiki prezydenckiej, jednak nie utożsamia się z nią. W tej formie rządu podział władzy nie był "oczywisty", były też przewidziane instytucje, które są nietypowe dla republiki prezydenckiej. W związku z tym, forma rządu, która została ustalona w pierwotnym wydaniu Konstytucji Ukrainy nie może być określana, ani jako mieszana republikańska, ani jako prezydencka. Ta nietypowa forma rządu zajmowała w rzeczywistości pozycję pośrednią pomiędzy dwoma rodzajami republiki. Nowelizacja Konstytucji Ukrainy od 8 grudnia 2004 r. znacznie przybliżyła formę rządu do "pełnoprawnej" republiki mieszanej i ogólnie rzecz biorąc, zapewniła jej zgodność z kryteriami republiki parlamentarno-prezydenckiej. Forma rządu ogranicza wpływ Prezydenta Ukrainy na władzę wykonawczą na korzyść Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy. Parlamentarny sposób tworzenia Gabinetu Ministrów Ukrainy i jego parlamentarna odpowiedzialność, przesunęły środek ciężkości politycznej na Radę Najwyższą Ukrainy. Zmieniając mechanizm odpowiedzialności władz wobec społeczeństwa, forma rządu pozwala dokonywać identyfikacji partii politycznych, kurs polityczny których realizuje Rząd. Nowelizacja Konstytucji Ukrainy od 8 grudnia 2004 r. zlikwidowała podporządkowanie administracyjne Gabinetu Ministrów Ukrainy Prezydentowi Ukrainy i zapewniła rzeczywisty dualizm władzy wykonawczej. Jednocześnie forma rządu, która istnieje na ten czas na Ukrainie, ujawnia szereg poważnych defektów i jest przepełniona ryzykiem konfliktów konstytucyjnych. W Ustawie Zasadniczej, mechanizm interakcji pomiędzy najwyższymi rządami państwa jest uregulowany fragmentarycznie, a ich relacje kompetencyjne są sprzeczne. W wyniku tego, w warunkach konfrontacji partyjnej forma rządu znacznie traci swoją funkcjonalność. Budowa "pełnoprawnej" republiki mieszanej na Ukrainie wymaga konstytucyjnego utrwalenia jej najważniejszych elementów, które właściwe jej z natury. ; Первичной редакцией Конституции Украины была учреждена форма правления, которую можно классифицировать смешанной республиканской лишь условно. Элементы президенциализма, присущие этой форме правления, свидетельствуют о существенном искажении сущности смешанной республики. Форма правления принципиально ограничивала влияние Верховной Рады Украины на исполнительную власть и административно подчиняла ее Президенту Украины. Закрепляя главенствующую роль Президента Украины в государственном механизме, форма правления не устанавливала некоторых принципиально важных элементов смешанной республики. Несмотря на очевидное функциональное сходство формы правления с президентской республикой, она не была тождественна и ей. Эта форма правления не проявляла «жесткого» разделения властей и предусматривала институты, нетипичные для президентской республики. Поэтому установленную первичной редакцией Конституции Украины форму правления невозможно определить ни смешанной республиканской, ни президентской. Эта атипичная форма правления занимала, по сути, промежуточное положение между двумя указанными типами республики. Изменения к Конституции Украины от 8 декабря 2004 года существенно приблизили форму правления к «полноценной» смешанной республике и в целом обеспечили ее соответствие критериям парламентарно-президентской республики. Форма правления ограничивает влияние Президента Украины на исполнительную власть в пользу Верховной Рады Украины. Парламентский способ формирования Кабинета Министров Украины и его парламентская ответственность сместили центр политического тяготения к Верховной Раде Украины. Изменив механизм ответственности власти перед обществом, форма правления позволяет идентифицировать партии, чей политический курс осуществляет Правительство. Изменения к Конституции Украины от 8 декабря 2004 года устранили административное подчинение Президенту Украины Кабинета Министров Украины и обеспечили реальный дуализм исполнительной власти. В то же время, существующая форма правления проявляет ряд серьезных дефектов и наполнена рисками конституционных конфликтов. В Основном Законе механизм взаимодействия высших органов государства регламентировано фрагментарно, а их компетенционные взаимосвязи ‒ противоречиво. Как следствие, в условиях партийного противостояния форма правления существенно теряет функциональность. Построение в Украине «полноценной» смешанной республики требует конституционного закрепления в естественной для нее форме ее важнейших элементов.

The need to strengthen the political component of Euro-Atlantic integration, increase the efficiency of structural units of the Ukrainian state authorities and intensify their activities to inform the public about the fulfilment of their tasks in this area are substantiated in the article. This approach, along with greater involvement of scientific, expert and public circles into the Euro-Atlantic integration process, will contribute to improve the effectiveness of this process, increase the level of public support to Ukraine's course towards NATO membership, and coordinate and deepen cooperation between Ukraine and the Alliance. The political component of the Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine has become especially relevant in the light of ongoing Russian aggression against Ukraine and adopted in 2019 amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine, which set the country's course to full membership in NATO. Its role is determined by the political activities of the Alliance, the political segments of bilateral documents and Ukrainian legislative acts on the issues of Euro-Atlantic Integration, the importance of political decisions, the involvement of all state authorities into the Euro-Atlantic Integration process, the intensification of non-military segments of Ukraine-NATO cooperation, and their greater clarity for the Ukrainian society, unlike the military ones. The constitutional double-goal of Ukraine to become a member of both NATO and the EU requires strengthening the political coordination of these two complementary processes in Ukraine. The author substantiates the necessity of combining the functions of European and Euro-Atlantic Integration in separate structural departments of the governmental bodies of Ukraine, as well as enhancing their activity in informing the society about measures, which they have performed in these spheres. The political component of the Euro-Atlantic Integration of Ukraine should become intensified, properly shaped and well-coordinated in the governmental bodies, visible for the society and used for countering current threats.

Returning to philosophical conceptions that bring together traditions of Western thought, the historical link between democracy and constitution is approached, to attribute reflections to political models that are defined from unity and universality, or from the diverse and its singularities. From that point, it is proposed to review philosophical forms of reflection about the political in the present time. ; Retomando concepciones filosóficas que reúnen tradiciones del pensamiento occidental, se aborda el vínculo histórico entre democracia y constitución, para atribuir reflexiones a modelos políticos que se definen desde la unidad y la universalidad, o desde lo diverso y sus singularidades. Desde ese punto, se propone revisar formas filosóficas de reflexión acerca de lo político en el tiempo presente.

The article deals with the goal and principles of imposition of punishment for a woman who committed a crime under three versions of the Lithuanian Statute. It has been established that during the researched period the main goal of the punishment continued being compensation of damages to the victim which proves additional punishments represented by ransom as well as fine for causing material and property damage. This purpose of punishment became a consequence of influence of valuable attitude in the society to the person as well as the lack of opinion in the society on differentiation between the crime and tort. It has been established that the purpose of punishment under Lithuanian Statute was protection of existing legal norms, prevention of crimes and replenishment of budget. It has been found out that when Ukrainian lands were owned by Lithuanian Russian state and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth religion had a significant influence on legal awareness of population and legislator. Every illegal act was considered as a sin by society. That is why such purpose of punishment as atonement stayed. Analysis of Lithuanian Statute allows to say that there was such purpose of punishment as imposition of adequate punishment on the female criminal depending on the gravity of crime. In this case the punishment had to correspond to the gravity of committed crime and performed the function of repayment for committed criminal offence. It has been defined that evolution of the state and legal institutes and gradual enshrining in the notion of crime of the dominant role of formal element influenced such purpose of crime as correction of the female criminal and intimidation. The main purpose of punishment during 16th century was intimidation. It has been established that during researched period principles of imposition of punishment on a woman developed constantly. The Statute defined and enshrined such principles as the principle of individualization of punishment, legality, fairness, humanity and democracy. They mainly ...

This article focuses on current European language education policy. It reviews relevant policy documents of the European Union and the Council of Europe. It also refers to the range of tools offered by the two intergovernmental organisations in support of linguistic diversity in contemporary European societies and the development of plurilingual abilities of their citizens ; Cet article traite des politiques linguistiques éducatives européennes, et passe en revue les documents de l'Union européenne et du Conseil de l'Europe pertinents à ces politiques. Il se réfère également à la gamme d'outils offerts par les deux organisations intergouvernementales à l'appui de la diversité linguistique dans les sociétés européennes contemporaines et le développement des capacités plurilingues de leurs citoyens.

Eine im Auftrag des OMRI im April 1995 durch ein Kiewer Institut durchgeführte Meinungsbefragung hat ergeben, daß der Reformkurs des ukrainischen Präsidenten Leonid Kucma vom mehr als der Hälfte der ukrainischen Bevölkerung unterstützt wird. Ein nach Regionen gegliederter Vergleich der Wahlergebnise der Präsidentschaftswahlen vom April 1994 mit denen der Umfrage vom April 1995 zeigt, daß eine Verlagerung der Popularität Kucmas vom ostukrainischen hin zum westukrainischen Landesteil hin erfolgt ist, ähnlich wie bereits zuvor bei seinem Anmtsvorgänger Leonid Kravcuk. (BIOst-Mrk)

Der Verfasser stellt zunächst das Vereinigungskonzil dar, das zur Gründung der Ukrainischen Orthodoxen Kirche - Kiewer Patriarchat (UOK-KP) führte. Er analysiert im folgenden die Auseinandersetzungen innerhalb der UOK-KP, die Bemühungen um eine Anerkennung der UOK-KP durch den Ökumenischen Patriarchen von Konstantinopel und die Abspaltung der Ukrainischen Orthodoxen Kirche - Moskauer Patriarchat. Im folgenden werden empirische Untersuchungsergebnisse zur religiösen Einstellung der ukrainischen Bevölkerung und zur Identifikation mit einer Religionsgemeinschaft vorgelegt. Hier wird die starke Position der UOK-KP deutlich, mit der sich fast 50 Prozent der Befragten identifizieren. (BIOst-Wpt)