Suchergebnisse

International audience ; This essay analyzes one of James Baldwin's least commented-upon essays, "Equal in Paris," through the lens of current debates about transatlantic differences regarding race, equality, and citizenship. In his essay, Baldwin narrates how he was imprisoned in Paris for several days a year after his arrival in France. Baldwin constructs his essay not as a political manifesto about race, citizenship, and equality. Rather, through a powerful and cinematographic description, he leads the reader to share the narrator's distressing experience of disjunction and terror he had while in prison. This literary choice can be understood in the context of Baldwin's rejection of theologies of damnation and redemption that, according to him, motivate protest writings.

International audience ; This essay analyzes one of James Baldwin's least commented-upon essays, "Equal in Paris," through the lens of current debates about transatlantic differences regarding race, equality, and citizenship. In his essay, Baldwin narrates how he was imprisoned in Paris for several days a year after his arrival in France. Baldwin constructs his essay not as a political manifesto about race, citizenship, and equality. Rather, through a powerful and cinematographic description, he leads the reader to share the narrator's distressing experience of disjunction and terror he had while in prison. This literary choice can be understood in the context of Baldwin's rejection of theologies of damnation and redemption that, according to him, motivate protest writings.

International audience ; At this time, near the end of 2021, the prospects for social justice and democracy in Tunisia are quite bleak. In the aftermath of President Kais Saied's coup of July 25, 2021, the state of power relations among political parties and civil society organizations is uncertain. Most of the well-known political players — such as the Islamist party Ennahda, the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT,) former regime politicians and military officials — have settled back into a common modality of political strategizing in Tunisia: the politics of waiting, a political strategy of buying time.

International audience ; At this time, near the end of 2021, the prospects for social justice and democracy in Tunisia are quite bleak. In the aftermath of President Kais Saied's coup of July 25, 2021, the state of power relations among political parties and civil society organizations is uncertain. Most of the well-known political players — such as the Islamist party Ennahda, the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT,) former regime politicians and military officials — have settled back into a common modality of political strategizing in Tunisia: the politics of waiting, a political strategy of buying time.

Célébrée comme le seul succès du Printemps arabe, la Tunisie a réussi à faire face à de nombreux défis de la période post-révolutionnaire grâce à la capacité des principaux acteurs politiques et sociaux à formuler des compromis. Il faut toutefois examiner de façon critique les multiples formes de compromis qui caractérisent la transition tunisienne et leurs implications pour le pluralisme démocratique. Cet article analyse les transactions politiques institutionnelles qui ont eu lieu depuis 2011 en montrant qu'elles ont été marquées par deux façons d'envisager le compromis, l'affrontement raisonné et l'endiguement. Ce faisant, il cherche à montrer comment, entre 2011 et 2015, l'opposition tant débattue entre islamistes et sécularistes a été remplacée par une autre opposition, plus déterminante, entre adeptes du pluralisme démocratique et partisans du consensus forcé.

Celebrated as the only success of the Arab Spring, Tunisia has managed to deal with numerous challenges in the post-revolutionary period, thanks to the ability of the main political and social actors to frame compromises. However, the numerous forms of compromises that have characterized the Tunisian transition as well as their implications for democratic pluralism should be examined critically. The article analyses the institutional political transactions that have occurred since 2011 and shows that they have been marked by two different ways of envisaging compromise : reasoned confrontation or containment. It shows how, between 2011 and 2015, the much debated opposition between islamists and secularists has been replaced by a different, more decisive opposition between the partisans of democratic pluralism and the supporters of forced consensus. ; Célébrée comme le seul succès du Printemps arabe, la Tunisie a réussi à faire face à de nombreux défis de la période post-révolutionnaire grâce à la capacité des principaux acteurs politiques et sociaux à formuler des compromis. Il faut toutefois examiner de façon critique les multiples formes de compromis qui caractérisent la transition tunisienne et leurs implications pour le pluralisme démocratique. Cet article analyse les transactions politiques institutionnelles qui ont eu lieu depuis 2011 en montrant qu'elles ont été marquées par deux façons d'envisager le compromis, l'affrontement raisonné et l'endiguement. Ce faisant, il cherche à montrer comment, entre 2011 et 2015, l'opposition tant débattue entre islamistes et sécularistes a été remplacée par une autre opposition, plus déterminante, entre adeptes du pluralisme démocratique et partisans du consensus forcé.

After briefly presenting the main characteristics of the Coptic diaspora in the United States and of its attempts at gaining political clout since the 1990s, the article examines the impact of the election of President Obama and of the 2011 Egyptian revolution on the rhetoric and strategy of the main Coptic organizations in the United States. I also examine the changing relation between Copts in Egypt and Copts in the United States.

Celebrated as the only success of the Arab Spring, Tunisia has managed to deal with numerous challenges in the post-revolutionary period, thanks to the ability of the main political and social actors to frame compromises. However, the numerous forms of compromises that have characterized the Tunisian transition as well as their implications for democratic pluralism should be examined critically. The article analyses the institutional political transactions that have occurred since 2011 and shows that they have been marked by two different ways of envisaging compromise : reasoned confrontation or containment. It shows how, between 2011 and 2015, the much debated opposition between islamists and secularists has been replaced by a different, more decisive opposition between the partisans of democratic pluralism and the supporters of forced consensus. ; Célébrée comme le seul succès du Printemps arabe, la Tunisie a réussi à faire face à de nombreux défis de la période post-révolutionnaire grâce à la capacité des principaux acteurs politiques et sociaux à formuler des compromis. Il faut toutefois examiner de façon critique les multiples formes de compromis qui caractérisent la transition tunisienne et leurs implications pour le pluralisme démocratique. Cet article analyse les transactions politiques institutionnelles qui ont eu lieu depuis 2011 en montrant qu'elles ont été marquées par deux façons d'envisager le compromis, l'affrontement raisonné et l'endiguement. Ce faisant, il cherche à montrer comment, entre 2011 et 2015, l'opposition tant débattue entre islamistes et sécularistes a été remplacée par une autre opposition, plus déterminante, entre adeptes du pluralisme démocratique et partisans du consensus forcé.

After briefly presenting the main characteristics of the Coptic diaspora in the United States and of its attempts at gaining political clout since the 1990s, the article examines the impact of the election of President Obama and of the 2011 Egyptian revolution on the rhetoric and strategy of the main Coptic organizations in the United States. I also examine the changing relation between Copts in Egypt and Copts in the United States.

Cet article analyse le mouvement initié aux États-Unis en 2010 par un certain nombre de think tanks, de lobbys d'avocats conservateurs et d'activistes anti-musulmans pour faire interdire toute référence au droit islamique (charia) dans les tribunaux américains. L'article examine les acteurs, les stratégies et les arguments de ce mouvement, ainsi que ses conséquences négatives pour la liberté religieuse des musulmans, mais aussi des juifs américains.