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The Circus That Wasn't: The Republican Party's Quest for Order in California's 2003 Gubernatorial Recall Election
In: State politics & policy quarterly: the official journal of the State Politics and Policy section of the American Political Science Association, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 123-147
ISSN: 1946-1607
AbstractContrary to media reports, California's 2003 recall election was anything but a circus. Despite the presence of 135 candidates, just 3 managed to split 94% of the vote, and the winner came close to achieving a majority. In this article, the author uses elite interviews and a social network analysis of campaign donations to study how the Republican Party sought to impose order on the potentially chaotic political environment. The author finds that a network of Republican donors, activists, and officeholders coordinated their efforts to advantage Arnold Schwarzenegger and pressure other Republicans out of the race.
Academics Outside the Academy
In: The Forum: a journal of applied research in contemporary politics, Band 8, Heft 3
ISSN: 1540-8884
Relative to other social scientists, political scientists seem disengaged from the political world outside the academy. In this article, I suggest that this is regrettable, arguing that such service is beneficial both for scholarship and for society at large. I examine two such forms of outside service: writing for a blog and working in a political party. I examine the potential pitfalls and benefits from such service.
Academics Outside the Academy
In: Forum: A Journal of Applied Research in Contemporary Politics, Band 8, Heft 3
Relative to other social scientists, political scientists seem disengaged from the political world outside the academy. In this article, I suggest that this is regrettable, arguing that such service is beneficial both for scholarship and for society at large. I examine two such forms of outside service: writing for a blog and working in a political party. I examine the potential pitfalls and benefits from such service. Adapted from the source document.
Serving Two Masters: Using Referenda to Assess Partisan versus Dyadic Legislative Representation
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 65, Heft 1
ISSN: 1938-274X
Studies comparing the ideological leanings of voters and elected officials are often hampered by the lack of a common measure. The authors use legislative referenda-on which state legislators and voters both vote on the same issue-as bridging observations to develop a common measure for both. They use this measure to help assess two theories of legislative representation, the well-known dyadic model and a partisan model that assumes legislators are also accountable to a collective party agenda. Examining referenda votes during several sessions of the California Assembly, the authors report several findings that are consistent with the partisan model. They find that legislators are significantly more ideologically extreme than the median voter in their districts. They also find that members of the majority party are considerably more extreme relative to their districts than members of the minority party are and that the majority party becomes even more extreme the longer it maintains control of the chamber. Adapted from the source document.
Serving Two Masters: Using Referenda to Assess Partisan versus Dyadic Legislative Representation
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association, Band 65, Heft 1, S. 104-124
ISSN: 1065-9129
Serving Two Masters: Using Referenda to Assess Partisan versus Dyadic Legislative Representation
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 65, Heft 1, S. 104-123
ISSN: 1938-274X
Studies comparing the ideological leanings of voters and elected officials are often hampered by the lack of a common measure. The authors use legislative referenda—on which state legislators and voters both vote on the same issue—as bridging observations to develop a common measure for both. They use this measure to help assess two theories of legislative representation, the well-known dyadic model and a partisan model that assumes legislators are also accountable to a collective party agenda. Examining referenda votes during several sessions of the California Assembly, the authors report several findings that are consistent with the partisan model. They find that legislators are significantly more ideologically extreme than the median voter in their districts. They also find that members of the majority party are considerably more extreme relative to their districts than members of the minority party are and that the majority party becomes even more extreme the longer it maintains control of the chamber.
The Gerrymanderers Are Coming! Legislative Redistricting Won't Affect Competition or Polarization Much, No Matter Who Does It
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 39-43
AbstractRedistricting received substantial attention in the popular media in 2011, as states redrew state legislative and congressional district boundaries. Many reformers continue to argue for a de-politicization of the redistricting process, claiming that partisan redistricting is responsible for declining electoral competition and increasing legislative polarization. Our analysis of evidence from state legislatures during the last decade suggests that the effects of partisan redistricting on competition and polarization are small, considerably more nuanced than reformers would suggest, and overwhelmed by other aspects of the political environment.
527 Committees and the Political Party Network
In: American politics research, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 60-84
ISSN: 1552-3373
We investigate the links between 527s and other political organizations through the employment histories of 527 staff. We find that 527s are highly central to modern political party networks and are in positions to facilitate coordination within a party and to employ key party personnel. Furthermore, we find important differences between the networks charted out by the two major parties. The Republican Party, the majority party during the period under study, had a more hierarchical network than the Democratic Party did. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]
The Gerrymanderers Are Coming! Legislative Redistricting Won't Affect Competition or Polarization Much, No Matter Who Does It
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 39-44
ISSN: 0030-8269, 1049-0965
527 Committees and the Political Party Network
In: American politics research, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 60-85
ISSN: 1532-673X
527 Committees and the Political Party Network
In: American politics research, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 60-84
ISSN: 1552-3373
We investigate the links between 527s and other political organizations through the employment histories of 527 staff. We find that 527s are highly central to modern political party networks and are in positions to facilitate coordination within a party and to employ key party personnel. Furthermore, we find important differences between the networks charted out by the two major parties. The Republican Party, the majority party during the period under study, had a more hierarchical network than the Democratic Party did.
Kingmakers or Cheerleaders? Party Power and the Causal Effects of Endorsements
In: EPSA 2013 Annual General Conference Paper 149
SSRN
Working paper
Agreement Scores, Ideal Points, and Legislative Polarization
In: APSA 2011 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
Polarized Networks: The Organizational Affiliations of National Party Convention Delegates
In: American behavioral scientist: ABS, Band 56, Heft 12, S. 1654-1676
ISSN: 1552-3381
Previous research has documented that the institutional behaviors (e.g., lobbying, campaign contributions) of political organizations reflect the polarization of these organizations along party lines. However, little is known about how these groups are connected at the level of individual party activists. Using data from a survey of 738 delegates at the 2008 Democratic and Republican national conventions, we use network regression analysis to demonstrate that co-membership networks of national party convention delegates are highly polarized by party, even after controlling for homophily due to ideology, sex/gender, race/ethnicity, age, educational attainment, income, and religious participation. Among delegates belonging to the same organization, only 1.78% of these co-memberships between delegates crossed party lines, and only 2.74% of the ties between organizations sharing common delegates were bipartisan in nature. We argue that segregation of organizational ties on the basis of party adds to the difficulty of finding common political ground between the parties.