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Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Preface -- Contributors -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1. Colonial Scotland: The English in Scotland under Edward I -- 2. The Anglo-Scottish Marches in the Fifteenth Century: A Frontier Society? -- 3. Crown and Nobility in Late Medieval Britain -- 4. Scotching the Brut: Politics, History and National Myth in Sixteenth-Century Britain -- 5. James Henrisoun and 'Great Britain': British Union and the Scottish Commonweal -- 6. Two Kingdoms or Three?: Ireland in Anglo-Scottish Relations in the Middle of the Sixteenth Century -- 7. The Price of Friendship: The 'Well Affected' and English Economic Clientage in Scotland before 1603 -- 8. The Early Covenanters and the Federal Union of Britain -- 9. The Solemn League and Covenant -- 10. Andrew Fletcher's Vision of Union -- 11. Politics, Politeness and the Anglicisation of early Eighteenth-Century Scottish Culture -- 12. The Scottish 'Jacobins', Scottish Nationalism and the British Union -- Index.

The town of Old Sarum, which contains not three houses, sends two members; and the town of Manchester, which contains upwards of sixty thousand souls, is not admitted to send any. Is there any principle in these things?' (Tom Paine, Rights of Man, 1791). Britain's voting arrangements prior to the 1832 Reform Act are almost unbelievable to us now. Only 12 per cent of men (and no women) had the vote, a single person controlled a rotten borough that returned two Members of Parliament (one of whom was the Prime Minister), and voting was in public, with landlords evicting tenants who voted against

This article deploys the concept of multiple monarchy as a means of reassessing the constitutional relationship between Scotland and England from the union of the crowns in 1603 to the union of parliaments in 1707. It argues that the Scots' belief in their kingdom's historic independence, symbolised by the Stuart dynasty itself, led them to conceive of the union with England as one of equals, but that such parity of status and esteem was rendered unsustainable by inequalities of population and resources that became more marked as the century progressed. Reviewing the implications of a century of religious and constitutional upheaval, it argues that the Revolution of 1689-90 created an unworkable constitutional settlement founded on the sovereignty of the crown in two parliaments rather than one and that this was resolved in 1707 by the creation of a unitary British state, built on the illusion of equality and partnership, but enshrining English dominance.

One of the most enduring concepts in the history of marketing thought relates to the classification of consumer goods. The product classification theory first proposed by Melvyn T. Copeland in 1923 has, with little modification, survived to the present day, and continues to be endorsed by both the American Marketing Association and the UK Chartered Institute of Marketing some 80 years after it was first published. In truth, Copeland's classification is now outdated and bears little, if any, relevance to modern product advertising, retailing and consumption. In particular, it can not accommodate the fact that, in modern societies, consumer preoccupations with style, personal identity and status have meant that the social characteristics of goods, heavily promoted by brand managers who understand their markets, are key determinants of consumer choice and buyer behaviour. This article explores the reasons why product classification theory has been unresponsive to changes in market conditions over so many years and argues that its failure to embrace the many social influences on consumption and on consumer behaviour is now its most serious weakness.

This paper considers the adoption of an entrepreneurial orientation as a paradigm for companies operating in a complex and turbulent environment, viewing the environment as a complex and turbulent system in terms of chaos theory. Approaches suggested by chaos theory are compared with the entrepreneurial orientation to identify if such an orientation matches these suggested approaches. Literature on chaos theory and entrepreneurship is compared, and a short case is presented, providing an illustration of how a company operating successfully in a complex and turbulent environment has used the principles of an entrepreneurial orientation. The paper identifies considerable similarity between the management approaches suggested by chaos theory and the principles of the entrepreneurial orientation, indicating that chaos theory may provide the theoretical underpinning of the relationship between entrepreneurial orientation and turbulent environments. The case also shows how an entrepreneurial orientation has been successfully used in a complex and turbulent environment. The conclusion is that companies operating in a complex and turbulent environment could benefit from adopting an entrepreneurial orientation.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Part I: Migration and Settlement -- Chapter 1 Flanders and the Flemish -- Chapter 2 Flanders and Scotland -- Chapter 3 Flemish Migration I: Knights and Mercenaries -- Chapter 4 Flemish Migration II: Merchants and Craftsmen -- Part II: Impact and Influence -- Chapter 5 Castles -- Chapter 6 Towns and Churches -- Chapter 7 Art, Artefacts and Artillery -- Chapter 8 Sport and Recreation -- Part III: Assimilation and Absorption -- Chapter 9 Language -- Chapter 10 Surnames -- Chapter 11 Scotticisation -- Chapter 12 The Fleming Family: A Case Study -- Conclusion -- Author Profiles -- Select Bibliography -- Picture Credits -- Index.

"George Buchanan (1506-82) was the most distinguished Scottish humanist of the sixteenth century with an unparalleled contemporary reputation as a Latin poet, playwright, historian and political theorist. However, while his contemporary importance as the scourge of Mary Queen of Scots and advocate of popular rebellion has long been recognised, this volume represents the first attempt to explore the subsequent influence of his ideas and his contested reputation as a political ideologue and cultural icon. Featuring a wide-ranging selection of essays by an international cast of established and younger scholars, the volume explores Buchanan's legacy as an historian and political theorist in Britain and Europe in the two centuries following his death, with particular emphasis on the reception of his remarkably radical views on popular sovereignty and political assassination. Divided into four parts, the volume covers the immediate impact and reception of his writings in sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century Britain; the wider Northern European context in which his thought was influential; the engagement with his political ideas in the course of the seventeenth-century British constitutional struggles; and the influence of his ideas as well as the changing nature of his reputation through the eighteenth century and beyond. The introduction to the volume not only reviews the material in the body of the collection, but also reflects on the use and abuse of Buchanan's ideas in the early modern period and the methodological issues of influence and reputation raised by the contributors. Such a reassessment of Buchanan and his legacy is long overdue and this volume will be welcomed by all scholars with an interest in the political and cultural history of early modern Britain and Europe."--Provided by publisher

Although observers from around the world have suggested that the 'Kosovo problem', particularly if it resulted in independence, had the potential to unsettle world politics, this is simply not likely. We argue that the Kosovo case is so unique that it is not an exemplar for international affairs. In other words, due to factors such as the scale of international investment, security commitments, and great power tutelage and recognition, Kosovo just 'doesn't matter' as a model for other separatist movements. That being said, we conclude with at least one feature of the long-running Kosovo intervention that has become an important pattern in US diplomacy -- the liberation of average Muslim citizens from tyranny. Adapted from the source document.