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The purpose of this primer is to provide executives with an overview of social network research as it relates to individual, group, and organizational learning; innovation; and performance. Too often, when social networks are mentioned, managers think of Internet sites such as LinkedIn, Facebook, or MySpace. While social networking Web sites are part of the landscape of social network research, they are the tip of the iceberg in terms of what we know about social networks and the benefits of managing network structure. Chapter 1 identifies the key conceptual underpinnings of social network theory and social network analysis. Chapter 2 relates how social network theory predicts individual promotion and resource acquisition, while chapter 3 helps you understand and develop tactics for making your social network useful. Chapter 4 extends this work to show how the fruits of team collaboration are dependent on social network characteristics. Chapter 5 looks at social networks through a strategic lens, drawing on examples from Procter & Gamble (the connect and develop model), McKinsey (social networks as invisible organizational structure), and Accenture (innovation in a flat world). Finally, Chapter 6 identifies some of the key ethical issues accompanying social network analysis.

What is wrong with discriminating on the basis of personal appearance? Andrew Mason considers this question in three contents: employment decisions; the choice of friends or romantic partners; and the everyday practice of judging and commenting upon people's looks.

There is considerable debate about the demands citizenship places upon us in our everyday lives. 'Living Together as Equals' distinguishes two different ways of thinking about citizenship both of which shed some light on the demands that it makes upon us

Equality of opportunity for all is a fine piece of political rhetoric but the ideal that lies behind it is slippery to say the least. This book lends a particular account of the ideal and its place in a more radical version of what it is to level the playing field

Communities can be of different kinds, and exist at different levels in society. This book systematically explores the relationship between the state, and communities existing at local, national and global levels. It will be of interest to students of political theory, philosophy and international relations

This book considers a variety of explanations of why political disagreement is so extensive and persistent. The author examines variants of the 'contestability' and 'imperfection' conceptions which have dominated political theory: the idea that political disagreement is so pervasive because of its value-ladenness; that key political concepts are essentially contested; that those who occupy very different political positions fail to understand each other. He argues that we need to develop a framework which borrows elements from both schools of thought, presupposing some form of moral cognitivism, while recognizing that many political disputes cannot be resolved to the satisfaction of every reasonable person. Within such a framework he shows how empirical models can be constructed which give an active role not only to the agent's reasons for his or her beliefs, but also to other psychological and sociological considerations

Everyday lookism, by which I mean the widespread practice of commenting upon and judging the appearance of others, is often regarded as morally troubling. But when, and why, is it morally problematic? I argue that in many cases everyday lookism is wrongful because it involves morally objectionable appearance discrimination. I consider various respects in which everyday lookism can be morally objectionable in virtue of the acts of wrongful discrimination it involves. I argue that these acts are wrongful when they are demeaning, or when they have unjust consequences whether singly or cumulatively. There are a number of ways in which they may have unjust consequences. First, the appearance norms in which these acts are rooted may be biased in such a way that the acts contribute to creating an unjust distribution of benefits and burdens. Second, these acts may combine to make everyday lookism oppressive in virtue of impairing the personal autonomy of its victims or contributing to doing so. Third, these acts may be unjustly harmful in terms of their effects.

Abstract:A qualified pluralism is defended that recognizes value in a variety of forms of political theory and resists arguments that purport to show that one particular approach should occupy a privileged position. Against realists, it is argued that abstract analyses of political values that bracket a wide range of facts about people and their circumstances can be both coherent and important, whereas against those who think "ideal theory" or the identification of ultimate principles should come first, it is argued that the case for always giving priority to either one of these is weak.