Suchergebnisse

Towards the end of nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, Jonas Šliūpas, as well as the majority of the Lithuanian national movement ideologists created the new principles of public self-organisation. He provided the social, economic and educational problems and envisioned the perspectives in national movement. J. Šliūpas saw the new social challenges of women in society in terms of national and social activities. Šliūpas called for equality between women and men in economic and political life, also saw the woman's civic engagement, the importance of female public life in the modern Lithuanian nation-formation process. He is probably the first Lithuanian intellectual who based an inherent idea of gender equality on women's and men's equal rights to education, advocated the belief that education leads to the equality of women in the family and society, which is allowing women to change the social challenges for new social activities and opportunities for self-expression.

Towards the end of nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, Jonas Šliūpas, as well as the majority of the Lithuanian national movement ideologists created the new principles of public self-organisation. He provided the social, economic and educational problems and envisioned the perspectives in national movement. J. Šliūpas saw the new social challenges of women in society in terms of national and social activities. Šliūpas called for equality between women and men in economic and political life, also saw the woman's civic engagement, the importance of female public life in the modern Lithuanian nation-formation process. He is probably the first Lithuanian intellectual who based an inherent idea of gender equality on women's and men's equal rights to education, advocated the belief that education leads to the equality of women in the family and society, which is allowing women to change the social challenges for new social activities and opportunities for self-expression.

Towards the end of nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, Jonas Šliūpas, as well as the majority of the Lithuanian national movement ideologists created the new principles of public self-organisation. He provided the social, economic and educational problems and envisioned the perspectives in national movement. J. Šliūpas saw the new social challenges of women in society in terms of national and social activities. Šliūpas called for equality between women and men in economic and political life, also saw the woman's civic engagement, the importance of female public life in the modern Lithuanian nation-formation process. He is probably the first Lithuanian intellectual who based an inherent idea of gender equality on women's and men's equal rights to education, advocated the belief that education leads to the equality of women in the family and society, which is allowing women to change the social challenges for new social activities and opportunities for self-expression.

Towards the end of nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, Jonas Šliūpas, as well as the majority of the Lithuanian national movement ideologists created the new principles of public self-organisation. He provided the social, economic and educational problems and envisioned the perspectives in national movement. J. Šliūpas saw the new social challenges of women in society in terms of national and social activities. Šliūpas called for equality between women and men in economic and political life, also saw the woman's civic engagement, the importance of female public life in the modern Lithuanian nation-formation process. He is probably the first Lithuanian intellectual who based an inherent idea of gender equality on women's and men's equal rights to education, advocated the belief that education leads to the equality of women in the family and society, which is allowing women to change the social challenges for new social activities and opportunities for self-expression.

But women necessity to seek for a deeper intellectual education and professional self-realization by this current was not recognised. During studied period catholic intelligentsia after realizing of the changes in social structure, economical and public life, supported attitudes of Lithuanian liberals towards importance of deeper intellectual education of women. In the joint of XlXth and XXth centuries catholics and liberals applied the same model. The grounds of national consciousness was rooted at home, later it was a free choice. In opinion of Lithuanian social democrats, woman-worker also should to realize her economical situation and together with men had to pursue common goals. Therefore they hadn't questionized the importance of women intellectual training. But deeper intellectual training was equated to the elementary professional education.

But women necessity to seek for a deeper intellectual education and professional self-realization by this current was not recognised. During studied period catholic intelligentsia after realizing of the changes in social structure, economical and public life, supported attitudes of Lithuanian liberals towards importance of deeper intellectual education of women. In the joint of XlXth and XXth centuries catholics and liberals applied the same model. The grounds of national consciousness was rooted at home, later it was a free choice. In opinion of Lithuanian social democrats, woman-worker also should to realize her economical situation and together with men had to pursue common goals. Therefore they hadn't questionized the importance of women intellectual training. But deeper intellectual training was equated to the elementary professional education.

But women necessity to seek for a deeper intellectual education and professional self-realization by this current was not recognised. During studied period catholic intelligentsia after realizing of the changes in social structure, economical and public life, supported attitudes of Lithuanian liberals towards importance of deeper intellectual education of women. In the joint of XlXth and XXth centuries catholics and liberals applied the same model. The grounds of national consciousness was rooted at home, later it was a free choice. In opinion of Lithuanian social democrats, woman-worker also should to realize her economical situation and together with men had to pursue common goals. Therefore they hadn't questionized the importance of women intellectual training. But deeper intellectual training was equated to the elementary professional education.

But women necessity to seek for a deeper intellectual education and professional self-realization by this current was not recognised. During studied period catholic intelligentsia after realizing of the changes in social structure, economical and public life, supported attitudes of Lithuanian liberals towards importance of deeper intellectual education of women. In the joint of XlXth and XXth centuries catholics and liberals applied the same model. The grounds of national consciousness was rooted at home, later it was a free choice. In opinion of Lithuanian social democrats, woman-worker also should to realize her economical situation and together with men had to pursue common goals. Therefore they hadn't questionized the importance of women intellectual training. But deeper intellectual training was equated to the elementary professional education.

This collection of essays addresses the challenge of modern nationalism to the tsarist Russian Empire. First appearing on the empire's western periphery this challenge, was most prevalent in twelve provinces extending from Ukrainian lands in the south to the Baltic provinces in the north, as well as to the Kingdom of Poland. At issue is whether the late Russian Empire entered World War I as a multiethnic state with many of its age-old mechanisms run by a multiethnic elite, or as a Russian state predominantly managed by ethnic Russians. The tsarist vision of prioritizing loyalty among all subjects over privileging ethnic Russians and discriminating against non-Russians faced a fundamental problem: as soon as the opportunity presented itself, non-Russians would increase their demands and become increasingly separatist. The authors found that although the imperial government did not really identify with popular Russian nationalism, it sometimes ended up implementing policies promoted by Russian nationalist proponents. Matters addressed include native language education, interconfessional rivalry, the "Jewish question," the origins of mass tourism in the western provinces, as well as the emergence of Russian nationalist attitudes in the aftermath of the first Russian revolution