Suchergebnisse

In this commentary, we consider the motivations and implications of Vancouver Coastal Health's place-based population health strategy called the Downtown Eastside Second Generation Health Strategy (2GHS) in light of a broader historical view of shifting values in population and public health and structural health reforms in Canada over past three decades. We argue that the tone and content of the 2GHS signals a shift towards a neoliberal clientelist model of health that treats people as patients and the DTES as a site of clinical encounter rather than as a neighbourhood in its own right. In its clinical emphasis, the 2GHS fails to recognize the political dimension of health and wellbeing in the DTES, a community that faces compounding health risks associated with colonialism, gentrification, human displacement, the criminalization of poverty, sex work, and the street economy. Furthermore, we suggest that in its emphasis on allocating funding based on a rationalist model of health system access, the 2GHS undermines well-established insights and best practices from community-driven health initiatives. Our aim is to provide a provocation that will influence both the public health leadership at VCH and the wider community that it serves to consider the long legacy of community-based health leadership as well as the broader structural health determinants that are at the root of the present circumstances of the people who live in the DTES today. ; Non UBC ; Reviewed ; Faculty ; Graduate

In this commentary, we consider the motivations and implications of Vancouver Coastal Health's place-based population health strategy called the Downtown Eastside Second Generation Health Strategy (2GHS) in light of a broader historical view of shifting values in population and public health and structural health reforms in Canada over the past three decades. We argue that the tone and content of the 2GHS signals a shift towards a neoliberal clientelist model of health that treats people as patients and the DTES as a site of clinical encounter rather than as a community in its own right. In its clinical emphasis, the 2GHS fails to recognize the political dimension of health and well-being in the DTES, a community that faces compounding health risks associated with colonialism, gentrification, human displacement, the criminalization of poverty, sex work, and the street economy. Furthermore, we suggest that in its emphasis on allocating funding based on a rationalist model of health system access, the 2GHS undermines well-established insights and best practices from community-driven health initiatives. Our aim is to provide a provocation that will encourage public health policy-makers to embrace community-based leadership as well as the broader structural health determinants that are at the root of the current circumstances of people in the DTES and other marginalized communities in Canada.

This article investigates the role of culture in the social production of risks and risk communication surrounding industrial development in a region located at a rural‐urban interface. A case study examined a public consultation that was undertaken to inform local residents about an eco‐industrial development proposal being planned near Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. The research employed the social amplification of risk framework (SARF) to examine the relationships among culture, place, and socially constructed risk. A total of 44 in‐depth, semi‐structured interviews were carried out with 33 landowners (farmers, acreage owners), public officials (municipal politicians, administrators), journalists, and industry representatives. Analysis revealed that risk communication occurred in relation to situated experiences of place that were based on conflicting cultural worldviews. The research shows that place is a useful component of the SARF, providing a spatial explanation for why some people amplify, and others attenuate, risks in locally contentious environmental debates.

The marginalized and impoverished Downtown Eastside neighbourhood of Vancouver, Canada has long been subjected to planning programs that have aimed to solve area problems through strategic government intervention. The 2011–2014 Local Area Planning Process, led by the City of Vancouver in consultation with local actors, represents the most recent of such programs. Despite the Local Area Planning Process's stated goal of inclusive participation, the resultant Downtown Eastside plan transformed the political landscape of the neighbourhood and met with derision from stakeholders for its potential to generate dramatic capital-led transformations. In this paper, we critique participatory planning through a case study of the Local Area Planning Process. We utilize a lens of critical toponymy (the investigation of the historical and political implications of place naming) as a methodological tool to examine planning technologies of power and their mobilization through governmental processes. We deploy a novel approach to toponymy, drawing on assemblage theory, that presents toponymy as a radically open and dynamic process mobilized relationally through a multiplicity of discourses and materialities. Our case study demonstrates that processes of toponymic assemblage within the Downtown Eastside Local Area Planning Process worked to (1) generate new territorial conflicts, (2) depoliticize community activism, and (3) co-opt racialized and class-based histories of displacement and dispossession to stimulate "revitalization" ("Japantown"). On the other hand, we found that in unanticipated ways, these processes worked to stimulate anti-gentrification activism, alliances, and resistance. Our analysis of planning highlights how toponymic agency can service oppressive and marginalizing place-framings, but it can also have liberating effects – by inspiring unlikely alliances and counter-framings.

The marginalized and impoverished Downtown Eastside (DTES) neighbourhood of Vancouver, Canada has long been subjected to planning programs that have aimed to solve area problems through strategic government intervention. The 2011-2014 Local Area Planning Process (LAPP), led by the City of Vancouver in consultation with local actors, represents the most recent of such programs. Despite the LAPP's stated goal of inclusive participation, the resultant DTES plan transformed the political landscape of the neighbourhood and met with derision from stakeholders for its potential to generate dramatic capital-led transformations. In this paper, we critique participatory planning through a case study of the LAPP. We utilize a lens of critical toponymy (the investigation of the historical and political implications of place naming) as a methodological tool to examine planning technologies of power and their mobilization through governmental processes. We deploy a novel approach to toponymy, drawing on assemblage theory, that presents toponymy as a radically open and dynamic process mobilized relationally through a multiplicity of discourses and materialities. Our case study demonstrates that processes of toponymic assemblage within the DTES LAPP worked to 1) generate new territorial conflicts, 2) depoliticize community activism, and 3) co-opt racialized and class-based histories of displacement and dispossession to stimulate "revitalization" ("Japantown"). On the other hand, we found that in unanticipated ways, these processes worked to stimulate anti-gentrification activism, alliances, and resistance. Our analysis of planning highlights how toponymic agency can service oppressive and marginalizing place-framings, but it can also have liberating effects – by inspiring unlikely alliances and counter-framings. ; Non UBC ; Reviewed ; Faculty

Children with asthma and allergies experience social isolation and gaps in social support particularly from peers. The objective of this pilot study was to design and test an accessible online support intervention for these children. Children ( n = 27) aged 7 to 11 from across Canada participated. GoToMeeting was employed for the support group sessions and Club Penguin for social connections during and between support group meetings. Content included: strategies for coping with asthma and allergies, role playing and games to help children deal with difficult situations, fun and enjoyment, and presentations by positive role models. Participation in the online peer support intervention was high, 86.3% on average over the 8-week intervention. By sharing their experiences, listening to peers' experiences, and role playing, children were introduced to practical skills: problem solving, communicating, seeking support, and self-advocacy.

Many families of children with asthma and allergies experience support deficits and isolation. However, support interventions have not been designed to meet their needs. Consequently, parents' intervention preferences were elicited, and an online peer support group intervention was designed based on these preferences and piloted in the study described. In-depth interviews with 44 parents elicited preferences for support interventions for both children and parents. Many said they felt alone and wanted support from others in similar situations. Based on the parents' preferences for accessible online peer support groups, a pilot online intervention was designed and implemented. Parents received information and reassurance from other parents in peer support sessions. Parents appreciated the accessibility and anonymity of the online support group. This innovative online peer support intervention, informed by parents' preferences, could be adapted and tested in intervention trials and guide programs and practice for families affected by asthma, allergies, and other chronic conditions.

Numerous tools for addressing gender inequality in governmental policies, programs, and research have emerged across the globe. Unfortunately, such tools have largely failed to account for the impacts of colonialism on Indigenous Peoples' lives and lands. In Canada, Indigenous organizations have advanced gender-based analysis frameworks that are culturally-grounded and situate the understanding of gender identities, roles, and responsibilities within and across diverse Indigenous contexts. However, there is limited guidance on how to integrate Indigenous gender-based frameworks in the context of research. The authors of this paper are participants of a multi-site research program investigating intersectoral spaces of Indigenous-led renewable energy development within Canada. Through introspective methods, we reflected on the implementation of gender considerations into our research team's governance and research activities. We found three critical lessons: (1) embracing Two-Eyed Seeing or Etuaptmumk while making space for Indigenous leadership; (2) trusting the expertise that stems from the lived experiences and relationships of researchers and team members; and (3) shifting the emphasis from 'gender-based analysis' to 'gender-based relationality' in the implementation of gender-related research considerations. Our research findings provide a novel empirical example of the day-to-day principles and practices that may arise when implementing Indigenous gender-based analysis frameworks in the context of research.

Numerous tools for addressing gender inequality in governmental policies, programs, and research have emerged across the globe. Unfortunately, such tools have largely failed to account for the impacts of colonialism on Indigenous Peoples' lives and lands. In Canada, Indigenous organizations have advanced gender-based analysis frameworks that are culturally-grounded and situate the understanding of gender identities, roles, and responsibilities within and across diverse Indigenous contexts. However, there is limited guidance on how to integrate Indigenous gender-based frameworks in the context of research. The authors of this paper are participants of a multi-site research program investigating intersectoral spaces of Indigenous-led renewable energy development within Canada. Through introspective methods, we reflected on the implementation of gender considerations into our research team's governance and research activities. We found three critical lessons: (1) embracing Two-Eyed Seeing or Etuaptmumk while making space for Indigenous leadership; (2) trusting the expertise that stems from the lived experiences and relationships of researchers and team members; and (3) shifting the emphasis from 'gender-based analysis' to 'gender-based relationality' in the implementation of gender-related research considerations. Our research findings provide a novel empirical example of the day-to-day principles and practices that may arise when implementing Indigenous gender-based analysis frameworks in the context of research.