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The national interests and the activities of the American international corporations in the 1960s and 1970s The main purpose of the article is to analyze the influence of international corporations on both domestic and foreign policy of the home and host countries as well as on intergovernmental relations. In the 1960s. and the 1970s. the predominant role of the US enterprises could be observed. Those companies invested mostly in the EC countries. They were welcomed there after the WWII, but the host countries felt growing concerns. They started to perceive the activities of the American enterprises as a challenge to national interest and even the national sovereignty. Therefore the actions to prevent foreign dominance were undertaken and the politicization of those matters was quite frequent. Also the authorities of the United States tried to control excessive capital flows and the transfer of certain goods and technology to the "enemy countries". Moreover, the American corporations were reluctant to the unnecessary links with the US government as they wanted to avoid its impact on their activities.

AbstractThis article examines Turkey's decision to comply with American sanctions against Iran re‐imposed in May 2018 despite Turkey's initial resistance. To this end, I answer the following questions: (1) is Turkey capable of resisting American pressure to join the sanctions against Iran and maintain good relations with Iran? (2) How does Turkey's stance on American sanctions affect the Turkish economy and the relations with the United States? The potential impact of U.S. sanctions in the event of noncompliance with U.S. requirements are considered in view of the following parameters: (1) consequences for the Turkish economy; (2) changes in Turkish policy in the region; (3) Turkish–American interdependencies; and (4) tensions in Turkish–American relations in other fields. I will evaluate what compliance and noncompliance with current U.S. sanctions on Iran mean for Turkey. Ankara's decisions are explained by comparing the benefits and losses resulting from adjusting to American requirements, using a SWOT analysis.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was negotiated with participation of the U.S. representatives from 2008. It was discussed not only in terms of the economic consequences of it. The proponents of signing TPP claimed that it would strengthen the alliances in Asia-Pacific region, curtail the Chinese influences and let the U.S. establish the global trade rules for the future. The debate on this issue took place in the Congress, also the front runners of the presidential elections of 2016 expressed their standpoints. The attitude of public opinion will be also presented as well as the position of Donald Trump which resulted in the withdrawal of the United States from the agreement once he became the President of the U.S.

Abstract
The goal of this study was to test the result presented by Stolee and Caton (2018) that former President of the United States Donald Trump primarily addressed his devoted electorate via Twitter. In the empirical setup, we referred to the theoretical concepts of a politician's base and of an 'echo chamber' and the theories of populist leaders' communication. The regression techniques were applied to determine the relationship between the popularity, measured as the number of "favorites" and "retweets", and the frequency of words representing 16 topics. The topics connected to Trump's self-praise, critique of opponents, the issue of immigration, and dealings with rival countries increased the popularity of the tweets. Surprisingly, tweets including the topics connected to crucial issues for the American public did not attract much interest. These results are in line with the theory of Stolee and Caton and may indicate that followers were not interested in the substantive content of the President's posts. The results also confirm our hypothesis that while Trump's message had a populist character, he primarily addressed his devoted electorate, not the wider audience.

Artykuł ma na celu ocenę skuteczności sankcji stosowanych przez państwa Zachodu wobec Iranu w okresie 40 lat (1979–2019). We wstępie postawiono hipotezę, że skoordynowane sankcje Stanów Zjednoczonych i państw europejskich mogą doprowadzić do osiągnięcia głównego celu wobec Iranu: ograniczenia programu nuklearnego rozwijanego przez to państwo. Program ten był postrzegany przez Zachód jako poważne zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Przedstawiono powody nałożenia sankcji na Iran przez USA, ewolucję stanowiska europejskiego wobec ich stosowania oraz mechanizmy i skutki współpracy państw Zachodu w wywieraniu presji gospodarczej na Iran. Oceniono realizację amerykańskich i europejskich celów sankcji, tak, by zrozumieć powody wycofania się w 2018 r. Stanów Zjednoczonych z podpisanego w 2015 r. porozumienia z Iranem.

The article aims to evaluate the effectiveness of sanctions administered by Western countries against Iran over a period of forty years (1979–2019). It is hypothesised that coordinated sanctions by the United States and European countries could enable them to achieve the main goal: curtail Iran's nuclear programme, which is perceived by the West as a serious threat to international security. The paper presents the reasons for the United States imposing sanctions on Iran, the evolution of the European position on the validity of their administration, and the mechanisms and effects of Western countries' cooperation in exerting economic pressure on Iran. It also evaluates the implementation of U.S. and European sanction objectives in order to determine the reasons for the withdrawal of the United States in 2018 from the 2015 agreement signed with Iran. ; Artykuł ma na celu ocenę skuteczności sankcji stosowanych przez państwa Zachodu wobec Iranu w okresie 40 lat (1979–2019). We wstępie postawiono hipotezę, że skoordynowane sankcje Stanów Zjednoczonych i państw europejskich mogą doprowadzić do osiągnięcia głównego celu wobec Iranu: ograniczenia programu nuklearnego rozwijanego przez to państwo. Program ten był postrzegany przez Zachód jako poważne zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Przedstawiono powody nałożenia sankcji na Iran przez USA, ewolucję stanowiska europejskiego wobec ich stosowania oraz mechanizmy i skutki współpracy państw Zachodu w wywieraniu presji gospodarczej na Iran. Oceniono realizację amerykańskich i europejskich celów sankcji, tak, by zrozumieć powody wycofania się w 2018 r. Stanów Zjednoczonych z podpisanego w 2015 r. porozumienia z Iranem.

The article aims to evaluate the effectiveness of sanctions administered by Western countries against Iran over a period of forty years (1979–2019). It is hypothesised that coordinated sanctions by the United States and European countries could enable them to achieve the main goal: curtail Iran's nuclear programme, which is perceived by the West as a serious threat to international security. The paper presents the reasons for the United States imposing sanctions on Iran, the evolution of the European position on the validity of their administration, and the mechanisms and effects of Western countries' cooperation in exerting economic pressure on Iran. It also evaluates the implementation of U.S. and European sanction objectives in order to determine the reasons for the withdrawal of the United States in 2018 from the 2015 agreement signed with Iran. ; Artykuł ma na celu ocenę skuteczności sankcji stosowanych przez państwa Zachodu wobec Iranu w okresie 40 lat (1979–2019). We wstępie postawiono hipotezę, że skoordynowane sankcje Stanów Zjednoczonych i państw europejskich mogą doprowadzić do osiągnięcia głównego celu wobec Iranu: ograniczenia programu nuklearnego rozwijanego przez to państwo. Program ten był postrzegany przez Zachód jako poważne zagrożenie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Przedstawiono powody nałożenia sankcji na Iran przez USA, ewolucję stanowiska europejskiego wobec ich stosowania oraz mechanizmy i skutki współpracy państw Zachodu w wywieraniu presji gospodarczej na Iran. Oceniono realizację amerykańskich i europejskich celów sankcji, tak, by zrozumieć powody wycofania się w 2018 r. Stanów Zjednoczonych z podpisanego w 2015 r. porozumienia z Iranem.

In the article, we explore the factors which brought about the transatlantic coordination of the policy of imposing sanctions on Iran. We will mainly focus on the events in the 21st century when the new incentives for cooperation appeared due to the growing concern over the development of Iran's nuclear programme. Considering the capabilities of using the tools of economic statecraft and diplomacy, we claim that the EU-US cooperation can be termed a co-leadership. The assessment and the reasons for the transatlantic break-up on this matter during the presidency of Donald Trump was examined using the concept of relative gains. We evaluate to what extent the initial goals were achieved in practice, and we also try to predict the possible consequences of the US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). As to whether the effectiveness of the sanctions through the cooperation has been enhanced, the answer is ambivalent. On the one hand, the cooperating transatlantic partners managed to coerce Iran through isolating the country from international economic contacts and negotiated the JCPOA. On the other hand, Trump's renouncement of this agreement brought many negative consequences and undermined the earlier joint effort.