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These essays examine women's political representation in Eastern Europe, particularly since the fall of the Berlin Wall. In addition to shedding light on the democratization of Eastern Europe, the volume explores a range of theories of democratic representation

El presente artículo se aparta del nivel relativamente detallado de países y regiones individuales para generalizar acerca de las cuotas de género a nivel global. Quise usar lecciones de trabajos anteriores y presentar información estadística que cubre a las aproximadamente 200 naciones independientes del mundo. Asimismo, el artículo considera qué factores condujeron a la adopción de las cuotas de género, para lo cual llevo a cabo pruebas para ver si los procesos que hicieron posible tal adopción varían sistemáticamente entre los tipos de cuotas. En el análisis estadístico presentado observo dos clases diferentes de cuotas: primero, las cuotas establecidas a nivel nacional, ya sea a través de la legislación o de cambios constitucionales. En estos casos, existe una disposición legal que deben cumplir todos los partidos en el país. En segundo lugar, considero las cuotas a nivel de partido mediante la observación de los países donde al menos uno de los partidos con representación parlamentaria las ha establecido.

A review of the policy implementation literature finds the field split into two major schools, top-down & bottom-up. Previous attempts to reconcile these models are described, followed by an alternative model that reconciles these approaches by concentrating on the theoretical significance of ambiguity & conflict for policy implementation. A number of factors crucial to the implementation process are identified as varyingly dependent on a policy's ambiguity & conflict level. Four policy implementation paradigms are identified & the relevance of the existing literature to these conditions is discussed: (1) low conflict-low ambiguity (administrative implementation), (2) high conflict-low ambiguity (political implementation), (3) high conflict-high ambiguity (symbolic implementation), & (4) low conflict-high ambiguity (experimental implementation). 1, 71 References. Adapted from the source document.

A response to the paper in this journal issue by Valerie J. Martinez et al (see abstract in SA 44:4) on school choice programs in low-income urban areas. The question is raised of whether the economic model of school choice is appropriate, since the loss of consumers (in this case, students) is only a successful means of organizational motivation if it threatens the organization's existence. For school choice programs to succeed according to the economic model, the loss of students to competing schools must be great. It is argued that this student loss has never been great enough to provide the required motivation, & it is recommended that proponents of school choice face & resolve this problem before implementing their programs on a larger scale. 11 References. M. Wagner

The issue of the equitable representation of women in political bodies has concerned both political activists and political scientists for a number of years. Greater representation of women is predicted to have a number of effects on public policy and social interactions. Among these effects are changes in policy priorities, improved system legitimacy and a change in the political culture as old stereotypes disappear and women come to be viewed as the equals of men in the political sphere. The view has been that if women were to get into office, they could prove themselves effective. Therefore societal views on women as political leaders would change, and old stereotypes as to their limited competence would break down. The hope of many is that as women politicians become commonplace, a country's political culture would change so that gender is no longer a relevant consideration in evaluating political leaders. This Note directly tests the assertion that increased participation by women leads to this genderneutral view of political leaders.