Suchergebnisse

Different political elite groups of postcommunist Lithuania offer different accounts of the Soviet past. Even twenty years later, after the collapse of communism Lithuanian politicians (with the exception of certain conservative anti-nostalgic leaders allied with some populists) still do not have a unified and coherent view on the Soviet political and social practices, truths, and methods. However, conservatives are very consistent in their restrictive views about the past and are willing to engage in propagating decisionmaking that prevents them from repeating the actions of the past. Social democrats, liberals, and populists are much more internally divided and tend to display lukewarm attitudes towards the Soviet past and its political reconsideration. Yet, the present analysis of the adopted laws and public policies, alongside a study on the attitudes of political elites make it possible to conclude that anti-nostalgia, the negative assessment of the Soviet lifestyle, criticism of it and attempts to keep the former Soviet decision makers out of Lithuania's public administration are key ways of treating the past in Lithuania. All efforts to accommodate a more permissive attitude towards the Soviet past and civil servants whose career began under the Soviets do not find much support within the Lithuanian elite.

Different political elite groups of post-communist Lithuania offer different accounts of the Soviet past. Even twenty years later, after the collapse of communism Lithuanian politicians (with the exception of certain conservative anti-nostalgic leaders allied with some populists) still do not have a unified and coherent view on the Soviet political and social practices, truths, and methods. However, conservatives are very consistent in their restrictive views about the past and are willing to engage in propagating decision-making that prevents them from repeating the actions of the past. Social democrats, liberals, and populists are much more internally divided and tend to display lukewarm attitudes towards the Soviet past and its political reconsideration. Yet, the present analysis of the adopted laws and public policies, alongside a study on the attitudes of political elites make it possible to conclude that anti-nostalgia, the negative assessment of the Soviet life-style, criticism of it and attempts to keep the former Soviet decision makers out of Lithuania's public administration are key ways of treating the past in Lithuania. All efforts to accommodate a more permissive attitude towards the Soviet past and civil servants whose career began under the Soviets do not find much support within the Lithuanian elite.

A threefold change (economic reform, democratization and a redefinition of the state's role) characterizes the post-Soviet transition. The post-Soviet economic elite should be studied by using various approaches proposed by economists, political scientists and sociologists. The one best suited to current conditions is the institutional approach, which considers the elite to be made up of individuals holding strategic positions in the country's major economic organizations. This approach needs to be completed with "qualitative" analyses (for example, in terms of a "social project") if we are to better understand actors' strategies in the post-Soviet economy, which is paradoxically both fluid and rigid. Ultimately, a multidisciplinary inquiry is needed, since the subject of the post-Soviet economic elite cannot be separated from the political, economic and institutional processes now under way in the ex-USSR and in most of its former satellites.

Abstract
State violence against Belarusian women involved in protest activities after the fraudulent presidential election in 2020 and onward has been unprecedented in the country's history. Women's activism has challenged the patriarchal authoritarian regime, which was ill-prepared to deal with women. However, after a short period of adaptation by the repressive institutions, women became their "special clients." With reference to gender-sensitive academic research, we investigate diverse forms of state violence against women and analyze how they perceive their experiences of incarceration for political reasons. This article is based on available datasets, a series of nine semi-structured interviews, and insights from participant observation. The research reveals that Belarusian women incarcerated for political reasons fall under the "demanding clients" category: they comprehensively challenge the state-sponsored brutal patriarchy and expect the repressive apparatus to meet their specific needs. These women experience multidimensional physical discomfort and psychological pressure, including targeted offensive and dehumanizing elements. At the same time, incarcerated women do not feel ostracized by society; they share the feeling that their "crimes" are supported by civil society, and they endure the pains of punishment as targeted violence from a state fighting cynically for its own survival.

The article presents an analysis of social security discourses produced by contending political actors in non-democratic Belarus. Initially, we outline the current situation of social security policies in Belarus. Then we identify key concepts regarding social security and examine how they are used in presidential campaigns of 2006, 2010 and 2015. We focus on political candidates' perception of responsibilities and distribution of duties among different welfare agents (state, business, society and family). President Lukashenka incrementally enriches his idea of the social security – predominantly organized by a paternalistic state – with neo-liberal elements (oriented towards free market) and conservative values (cherishing traditions and the family). The alternative candidates highlight important social problems and propose innovative ideas. The non-democratic leader appropriates social security ideas from the opposition. The Belarusian case is an example of pragmatic autocracy which constructs its social policy discourse using paternalistic legacies, populist promises and references to the free market, yet the arbitrary and repressive state maintains the monopoly. ; Straipsnyje analizuojami socialinės apsaugos diskursai, nedemokratinėje Baltarusijoje kuriami konkuruojančių politinių veikėjų. Pirmiausia apibūdiname socialinės apsaugos politikos situaciją šalyje. Vėliau identifikuojame esmines sąvokas, siejamas su socialine apsauga ir stebime kaip jos vartojamos prezidento rinkimų kampanijose 2006, 2010 ir 2015. Toliau susifokusuojame į politinių kandidatų propaguojamas atsakomybės ir pareigų pasiskirstymo tarp skirtingų socialinių veikėjų (valstybės, verslo, visuomenės ir šeimos) sampratas. Prezidentas Lukašenka palaipsniui savo socialinės apsaugos – kurią pirmiausia organizuoja paternalistinė valstybė – diskursą praturtina neo-liberaliais (siejamais su laisvąja rinka) ir konservatyviais (pabrėžiančias šeimos ir tradicijų reikšmę) elementais. Alternatyvūs kandidatai labiau akcentuoja socialines problemas ir siūlo novatoriškų idėjų kaip jas spręsti. Nedemokratinis lyderis ilgainiui perima (pasisavina) opozicijos idėjas. Baltarusijos atvejis yra pragmatinio autoritarizmo pavyzdys, kur socialinės apsaugos diskursas konstruojamas remiantis paternalistiniu paveldu, populistiniais pažadais ir nuorodomis į laisvąją rinką, bet išlaikant arbitrarios valstybės monopolį.

The paper analyzes integration experience of foreign researchers (non EU nationals) in Lithuanian universities. The paper assesses openness and engagement of Lithuanian public institutions and universities towards highly skilled foreign specialists. The analytical framework distinguishes three levels of factors which contribute to the success of integration: macro level (state) factors such as social structure, institutional design and regulations, cultural attitudes and traditions; mezzo level (university) factors such as infra-structure, competences, organizational visions and expectations of the leadership and the staff and micro level (individual) factors such as personality traits, professional experience and family circumstances of the immigrant scholars.http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.10.1.230 ; Straipsnyje apibendrinama mokslininkų iš ne Europos Sąjungos šalių integracijos Lietuvos universitetuose patirtis, pateikiant šalies viešosios politikos institucijų ir atskirų universitetų atvirumo bei imlumo aukštos kvalifikacijos užsieniečiams tyrimo rezultatus. Aptariami įvairaus lygmens integracijos sėkmei darantys įtaką veiksniai: valstybės lygmens struktūriniai, instituciniai ir kultūriniai veiksniai; organizacinės sandaros ir kultūros, strateginių plėtojimo planų, universitetų lyderių ir personalo kompetencijų bei lūkesčių veiksniai; individo asmeninių savybių, profesinės patirties, konkrečiu atveju susiklosčiusių aplinkybių veiksniai.http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.10.1.230

In this article, the author argues that because one of the most important constituents of common identity is emotional unification against a perceived external threat, the European identity should be grounded in such a perception. This study analyzes three potential threats to European unity: the inclusion of Turkey, the relationship between certain member states and the US, and Russian interference in EU affairs. The article explores the relationship between Belgian, Germans, Polish, and Lithuanian elites and the development of perceptions of external threats. Based on survey data from spring 2007, the article concludes that social constructivism is a useful means of interpretation for European studies, and that the concept of the European identity differs distinctly between the elites of the four nations studied. W. A. Butler