Suchergebnisse

"Reveals a story never told before: the early years of one of Britain's leading modern travel agencies, the Polytechnic Touring Association (PTA). Created in 1888 within Britain's first polytechnic, the PTA was an emblem of the era. It served a growing mass of middle-class and lower middle-class consumers, who found for the first time that they had the time and money to take extended holidays, often abroad. This book explains the creation of the Polytechnic and the PTA, charting the expansion of the travel agency into continental Europe and beyond. Victorians & Edwardians abroad uncovers the recollections of those who went on 'Poly holidays' before 1914: how they experienced the journeys, what they did when they reached their destinations and what they thought holidays should be about. For all the serious strictures from their social 'betters' about the educational and 'improving' aspects of travel, PTA holidaymakers enjoyed themselves: liberating pork pies from train carriages, annoying foreign policement and even beating the German Emperor to the last horses in town. Letters, articles and diaries of Poly holidays reveal a penchant for fun, even naughtiness, not often associated with the Victorians and Edwardians. Also included are a selection of postcards, photographs and promotional items from the PTA Archive held at the University of Westminster"--Back cover

"Party Politics and Religion in Northern Ireland" published on by Oxford University Press.

This article provides a comparative and longitudinal analysis of the policy selection methods adopted by Northern Ireland's five main parties. Drawing on data from multiple sources, it sheds light on an important element of intra-party democracy and party organisation in the region. Accounting for instances of reform, this article reveals the extent to which the parties have altered their procedures following the introduction of devolved power-sharing in 1998. Policy development is revealed to be primarily top-down in nature, with a clear professionalisation of the process in recent times. In a concurrent development, parties have also adopted a more proactive and, typically, consultative approach to policy development, affording ordinary members greater opportunities to register their views. However, such consultation also privileges several actors outside the parties' boundaries, a finding which raises questions concerning both their organisational integrity and the nature and meaning of conventional party membership in Northern Ireland.

This article provides an analysis of the leadership selection methods adopted by Northern Ireland's five main parties. Drawing on data from interviews with party elites and internal party documents, it sheds light on an important element of intra-party organisation in the region and constitutes a rare case-study of leadership selection in a consociational democracy. By accounting for instances of organisational reform, this article also reveals the extent to which Northern Ireland's parties align with the wider comparative trend of leadership 'democratisation'. In terms of 'who' selects party leaders, the analysis finds a substantial degree of organisational heterogeneity and a reasonably high rate of democratisation. Northern Ireland's parties also prove rather exceptional in their universal adoption of short fixed terms for party leaders and, in the case of three of the parties, their preference for high candidacy thresholds.

The office of political party leader remains one that women rarely occupy. In the largest comparative study of party leadership to date, only 10.8% were women. One region which has made significant advances in this area is Northern Ireland. Since 2015, the two largest parties, Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party, have experienced a rapid feminisation of their leadership. Such a development is particularly remarkable given Northern Ireland's historically poor record on gender equality. This article explores the puzzle of gendered leadership change in Northern Ireland to reveal that the transition was primarily facilitated through the parties' informal practices rather than embedded structural change. In doing so, it demonstrates the relative importance of party- and system-level factors on women's political presence. As a power-sharing democracy, this case also provides comparative insights for those interested in addressing persistently low levels of female representation in post-conflict settings.

As voters across Northern Ireland went to the polls on 5 May 2016, it was by no means obvious that they were participating in a landmark election. The preceding campaign was largely lacklustre, voters were left uninspired, and competition for votes was primarily conducted along predictable ethno-national lines. The Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin retained their positions as the dominant unionist and nationalist parties respectively, while the Ulster Unionist Party and Social Democratic and Labour Party struggled to retain their existing support, let alone expand it. The cross-community Alliance Party remained stagnant in fifth place. However, these ostensive signs of continuity with previous elections mask deeper signs of substantive change. The establishment of Northern Ireland's first official opposition within current structures and the publication of a draft Programme for Government framework within a month of the election are indicative of a new era in consociational power sharing. Meanwhile, the growth in support for smaller parties, a further fall in voter turnout and an audible debate around social issues suggest at least a partial decline in the salience of the ethno-national dimension in the electoral arena.